Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Degree of Masters of Management Sciences Specialising in Public Management, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017. / Informed by Bronfenbrenner’s theory of social ecosystems and embedded in the Freirean pedagogy of participatory and critical praxis, this youth-led participatory action research (YPAR) study aims to highlight the power and potential of young people as peacebuilders. Bringing attention to the powerful capacity young people have in transforming society, the entire process was guided by the following meta-question: “how can YPAR assist young people to become active agents in the construction of peace?” Approximately 20 young people aged between 13 and 17 from a low-income high-density neighbourhood in central Durban became co-researcher volunteers in the program. Their participation in a six phases process involved exploration and identification of the social needs of the community, followed by planning, implementing and evaluating a peacebuilding intervention. The data itself is comprised of the activities that constituted the YPAR program, including drama skits, mapping and photo story posters. The data was collected using research diaries, video and audio recording and photography. Through the involvement of participants in research and action as “peace leaders,” the findings highlight the potential of YPAR in the peacebuilding field. / M

Current studies in peace-building suggest that effective peace-building approaches comprise of intervention strategies that value the interconnectedness of trauma and peace-building processes. However current research reports suggest that there is limited evidence supporting this notion. In addition, there is little information as to how to effectively integrate the two themes to achieve lasting peace. The research study aims to articulate the role of an integrated approach to peace-building to inform current practice and it serves to encourage the donor community to support initiatives which recognise the link between trauma and peace building. The research took a close look at experiences of participants who attended trauma recovery workshops conducted by Sinani (an isiZulu word meaning “we are with you”), the KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence, the name of the Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) for which the researcher works. In particular, it explored how participants who had attended these workshops could serve as catalysts to peace by examining their experiences of violence in relation to trauma and peace-building. In addition it attempted to explore experiences of participants who did not attend Sinani trauma recovery workshops and the possible implication this would have for trauma and peace-building. Furthermore it analysed recent research papers and reports which addressed trauma and peace-building from a psycho-social perspective. The proposed hypothesis is that if trauma support work is ignored in post conflict peace-building processes, certain survivors of past violence are at risk of becoming perpetrators of future violence. Integrating trauma support work in peace-building interventions will yield lasting peace. The emerging findings suggest several factors contribute to violence and peace-building. Children’s exposure to violence, the extent of trauma and certain aspects of the criminal justice system have been described by participants as factors that contribute to violence. Equally participants suggested a competent leadership collective, functioning safety and security structures as valuable contributions to peace. Other valuable insights were shared by participants on the role of spirituality as well as indigenous cultural rituals valuable in the trauma and peace-building field. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.

With South Africa’s momentous transition to democratic rule in 1994, the Nelson Mandela administration significantly underscored the need to erect the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a mechanism to address the grievances, racial discrimination and violence that characterized the apartheid era. The South African government and the TRC have initiated policies to expedite reconciliation among its different races with the primary objective to recompense those who were previously marginalized and abused by the apartheid regime. Such attempts include: economic and land restitution and affirmative action. Despite these strides however, there are still enormous challenges, especially with regards to socio-economic imbalances, racial skirmishes, violence, and unresolved grievances among the victims of the apartheid era. Conceived in this way, the primary purpose of this research is to offer a broad analysis of rationale to transform some of the apartheid structural arrangements to a more egalitarian structure. 1994 heralded a new era of democratization in South Africa after long years of apartheid regime. The transition from autocratic rule to democracy has often been an excruciating one. It is no doubt that the challenges of transformation and reconciliation have resulted in the changing of the character of conflict and violence in post-apartheid South African society. This study also intends to analyse the current nature of conflict in post-apartheid South Africa such as; black on black, political assassinations and taxi violence. Although the nature of violent conflict in South Africa has transformed since post-apartheid, ostensibly, these conflicts are nevertheless rooted in apartheid. Given the foregoing, it appears that the full recovery from the apartheid era is still a far cry. In order for this recovery to take place, some of the structures of the apartheid era must be removed and multi-racial groups fully integrated. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc. )-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Bibliography. Also available via the Internet.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management Science: Public Management (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017. / This thesis sought to answer the research question: How can youth programmes in South Africa contribute more effectively to peacebuilding? South Africa is a country suffering from major inequality and violence. The mark left by the previous disempowering system is still affecting South African people and there is a clear need for justice and healing from all forms of violence and inequality. The existing inequalities are largely racial and economic and those under 25 years of age constitute a large percentage of both perpetrators and victims of violent crime (Clark 2012: 78). This study focused on youth in the Durban area who are South Africans of mostly Zulu heritage. The youth are surrounded by violence caused by disadvantaged circumstances, which include economic, racial and emotional damage inherited from the apartheid system. This group is referred to as ‘youth’ throughout this study as it examines the issues of violence in South Africa and how some young people are exploring solutions. Through an examination of literature and action research (AR) with participants from various programmes, this thesis investigates methods for improving the ability of Durban-based youth programmes to respond efficiently to the needs of youth as they endeavour to transform their communities. Following the identification of methods through focus group discussions, interviews and a review of literature, an action team was formed. This team consulted on which methods they wished to use for a collaborative peace project. They took what they learned from this process forward by sharing their experience with their respective empowerment programmes and by continuing to work together on an ongoing basis to bring their peace project to various other groups of children and youth throughout communities in Durban. The study concluded that when youth projects and programmes allow for youth to play a significant role in planning, action and reflection, whilst also receiving sufficient support from a mentor, they are empowered and the programmes are effective. The youth in this study began by discussing the issues surrounding them, brainstorming possible solutions and then designing a peace intervention in the form of a peace promotion performance. The performance was well received and the participants were empowered from the proactive roles they each played in preparing and delivering the performance. Through this transformational learning and service to the community, opportunities for youth to grow, mature and attain self-efficacy were nurtured. This process resulted in the further development of essential life-skills and positive values, and the youth participants learned to identify themselves with positive peers, mentors and purposeful activity. The action research also improved participants’ confidence, their desire to serve others and helped them to achieve a strong sense of positive endurance and strength to overcome the violence and negative influences around them. This peace project allowed the team members to make meaningful contributions to their community and inspired other youth by modelling peace in action. / M

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management Science (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017. / Conflict amongst cooperative members in Vumengazi, KwaZulu-Natal, is a major cause of concern, growing to an extent that threatens their survival. Lack of management skills tends to create conflict in cooperatives: members vie for a management position in the business, however, they often have no clear commitment or understanding of the duties required in management positions, even enough to handle the day-to-day challenges. Some of the groups formed a cooperative not because they have a joint objective, but because they planned to use the cooperative as a platform to access available resources. In most cases, the groups who formed the basis for this study lacked cohesiveness and this led to internal conflicts and an inability to work together. In most of the cooperatives, there were no professional business plans and they lacked feasibility with identifiable and foreseeable market opportunities. There were no drafted documents constitutions to govern the directors. The researcher undertook this study to investigate the following: • What are the contributing factors to conflict within the cooperatives? • What is the role of the 2005 Co-operatives Act in resolving conflict within the cooperatives? • What are effective ways to resolve conflicts within the cooperatives? A case study design using qualitative methodology was used in this study. In-depth understanding was needed; qualitative methodology was appropriate for a study of this nature. A sample of four co-operatives out of 20 from Wards 84 and 100, eNgonyameni Tribal Area, Vumengazi, was selected to identify the nature, extent, causes and consequences of conflicts, to assess the effectiveness of existing provisions for conflict resolution and the way they are implemented, to plan and implement an intervention strategy aimed at resolving conflicts to provide a foundation to resolve future conflicts. I engaged five people in a participatory action research programme and a focus group to establish the findings. Findings include a low standard of education among members; some members are very old who do not respect the youth. Gossip among the members led to cooperative issues being discussed in the community, thereby exacerbating conflict. Some of the cooperative members have primary education and they are unable to read and write English, however, the Act is written in English. Members of the cooperatives do not deal with conflict nor resolve it; there is no plan in place for such resolution. Members therefore keep grudges and bring them to work and meetings. Mismanagement of funds was found to be problematic. Conflict occurred regularly, partially because of the inability to analyse conflict among members and inability to apply peaceful conflict resolution methods. Recommendations as a result of the study are that peace education, both formal and informal, must be a prerequisite for cooperatives, to help members deal with individual emotions and behaviours and to avoid more aggressive approaches in running a cooperative. Local Economic Development officials and Ward Councillors need to come closer to rural cooperatives because of their stated interest in alleviating poverty in the area through peaceful running of cooperatives. Conflict does not allow cooperatives to flourish. / M

Set against a backdrop of ongoing social conflict in the country, this study sets out to explore how South African journalists understand their roles and responsibilities when it comes to reporting on conflict. The study seeks to determine whether journalists believe they have a constructive contribution to make in the peaceful management and resolution of social conflict. It also seeks to establish whether journalists see themselves as being able to contribute to creating conditions that can facilitate dialogue and constructive engagement. Furthermore the study aims to explore the extent to which the views and perceptions of South African journalists could be said to be consistent with the ideas put forward in the emerging field of peace journalism. In seeking to address these questions the study begins by identifying a core set of guidelines that could be said to characteristic of peace journalism. It then draws on in-depth interviews conducted with 12 experienced reporters to gain a sense of how journalists understand their roles. The 12 reporters were drawn from mainstream newspapers from South Africa’s main metropolitan areas. Following an analysis of these interviews the study found that many journalists see themselves as having a positive contribution to make towards peacemaking and peace building. However, these contributions, they argue, must be seen as the product of good reporting rather than as emanating from deliberate attempts to intervene in conflict. The study then contrasted the journalists’ perceptions with the principles and normative guidelines proposed by peace journalism and found that many of the journalists’ beliefs are consistent with peace journalism. It appears that, while they may not directly call themselves peace journalists, many of the reporters interviewed saw themselves as playing roles similar to those advocated by peace journalism.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa’s transition to democracy has been hailed as exemplary in the field of conflict resolution and constitution-making. The negotiated settlement was expected to serve as a consensual constitutional framework boding well for the newly democratic regime, but by 2014 evidence was accumulating of an emerging dissensus on the South African Constitution. The literature on the South African transition does not anticipate this emerging constitutional dissensus, or address the possibility that the constitution meant different things to different stakeholders. While there was widespread endorsement of the ratification of the constitution, an apparent divergence has emerged about its meaning and what is stands for. Many studies addressed the process of constitutional negotiations and the outcome thereof, but few examine the meaning that the original negotiators invested into this outcome. The study aimed to address whether this dissensus was present during the negotiating process (1990 - 1996), and whether the negotiators’ agreement on the formal text of the constitution obscures fundamentally diverging interpretations. The study is in the form of a qualitative, descriptive case study. This study created a novel conceptual framework within which to classify diverse interpretations. Perceptions of negotiated compromises in deeply divided societies were conceptualised in the form of Constitutional Contracts, Social Contracts and Benchmark Agreements. Original negotiators’ views and opinions were analysed in order to identify dispositions reconcilable with each of the concepts identified. This framework proved significantly helpful in identifying whether the views of the negotiators were divergent – on several levels, differences between negotiators during the negotiating period came to the fore. It became evident from the findings that there were indeed present among the ranks of the negotiators of the South African Constitution diverging interpretations of this outcome. It became clear that certain interpretations were more easily categorised than others: while being able to locate the views of some negotiators within the concepts of Constitutional Contract or Social Contract, identifying those views congruent with the Benchmark Agreement proved more difficult. Also, some negotiators’ views can be located within one, two or all of the categories. It became evident that while negotiators may be categorised within all three concepts of the framework, their opinions are not necessarily specific to the indicators of one single concept. This study brought significant insight into several concepts, including the Social Contract in a changing society. The Social Contract is identifiable within a system that fosters process over institutions, with specific focus on the working of the electoral system. The Social Contract is vested in the political culture as opposed to in the written text, but the written text does facilitate these types of processes by entrenching mechanisms for ongoing negotiation and revision. However, while some of these mechanisms exist within the Constitution, it does not mean that they are effectively used. Characteristics associated with the Social Contract, such as flexibility and an inclusive process, tend to be associated with longer lasting constitutions. The question remains whether South Africans should be actively seeking to build a Social Contract, and whether a Constitutional Contract can evolve into a Social Contract. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika se oorgang na demokrasie word beskou as ‘n uitnemende voorbeeld in die veld van konflikoplossing en die skryf van grondwette. Daar is verwag dat die onderhandelde skikking sal dien as ‘n ooreengekome grondwetlike raamwerk vir die nuwe demokratiese regime, maar teen 2014 het bewyse begin akkumuleer van ‘n opkomende dissensus oor die grondwet. Die literatuur oor die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgang antisipeer nie hierdie ontluikende grondwetlike dissensus nie, en spreek nie die moontlikheid aan dat die grondwet verskillende dinge vir verskillende rolspelers beteken nie. Alhoewel daar wydverspreide onderskrywing van die bekragtiging van die grondwet was, het daar ‘n klaarblyklike verdeeldheid na vore gekom oor wat die grondwet beteken, en waarvoor dit staan. Die proses van onderhandeling, sowel as die uitkoms in die formaat van die grondwet, is deur baie studies aangespreek, maar min ondersoek die betekenis wat die oorspronklike onderhandelaars in die uitkoms belê het. Dié studie is daarop gerig om ondersoek of hierdie onderliggende dissensus reeds tydens die onderhandelingsproses (1990 – 1996) teenwoordig was, en of die onderhandelaars se ooreenkoms oor die formele teks fundamenteel uiteenlopende interpretasies daarvan verberg. Die studie is in die vorm van 'n kwalitatiewe, beskrywende gevallestudie. ‘n Nuwe konseptuele raamwerk is ontwikkel waarbinne die diversiteit van opinie hieroor geklassifiseer kan word. Persepsies van onderhandelde kompromieë in diep verdeelde samelewings is gekonseptualiseer in die vorm van Grondwetlike Kontrakte, Sosiale Kontrakte en Maatstaf Ooreenkomste. Oorpsronklike onderhandelaars se standpunte en opinies is geanaliseer om gesindhede versoenbaar met elk van die konsepte te identifiseer. Hierdie raamwerk was nuttig om te identifiseer of die menings van die onderhandelaars uiteenlopend was. Verskille op verskeie vlakke het tussen die onderhandelaars tydens die onderhandelingstydperk na vore gekom. Dit is duidelik dat daar wel uiteenlopende interpretasies van hierdie uitkoms teenwoordig was binne die geledere van die onderhandelaars. Sekere interpretasies is makliker geklassifiseer as ander: die menings van sommige onderhandelaars kan as kongruent met die Grondwetlike Kontrak of die Sosiale Kontrak geidentifiseer word, maar dit was moeiliker om sienings ooreenstemmend met die Maatstaf Ooreenkoms te identifiseer. Sekere onderhandelaars se standpunte kan ook in een, twee of al drie kategorieë geplaas word. Dit het duidelik geword dat terwyl sekere onderhandelaars se opvattings binne al drie konsepte van die raamwerk geklassifiseer kan word, hul menings nie noodwendig spesifiek binne die aanwysers van 'n enkele konsep val nie. Hierdie studie het beduidende insig in verskeie konsepte gebied, insluitend die Sosiale Kontrak in 'n veranderende samelewing. Die Sosiale Kontrak is identifiseerbaar binne 'n stelsel wat die belangrikheid van proses oor instellings beklemtoon. Die Sosiale Kontrak berus in politieke kultuur, maar die geskrewe gondwetlike reëls fasiliteer hierdie tipe van prosesse deur die vestiging van meganismes vir voortgesette onderhandeling en hersiening. Hierdie verskynsel is tipies meer duidelik sienbaar in die werking van verskillende kiesstelsels. Alhoewel hierdie meganismes kan bestaan binne ‘n grondwet, beteken dit nie dat hulle doeltreffend gebruik word nie. Eienskappe wat verband hou met die Sosiale Kontrak, soos buigsaamheid en 'n inklusiewe proses, is geneig om verband te hou met 'n duursame en standhoudende grondwet. Die vraag bly staan of Suid-Afrikaners aktief op soek moet wees na die bou van ‘n Sosiale Kontrak, en of 'n Konstitusionele Kontrak kan ontwikkel om ‘n Sosiale Kontrak te vorm.

The tragic events within the South African Development Community (SADC) countries e.g. Civil war and conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), evoked a rethinking on the pivotal role assigned to the United Nations (UN) and the international community in African conflict resolution. Subsequently, there emerged clarion calls for African solutions to African conflict,. with foreign intervention only playing a complementary role. This unfolding of events put a democratic South Africa in a good stead to take this initiative in the SADC region. In this study, the nature of South Africa's involvement in conflict resolution within SADC region. is outlined. The main objective is to outline reasons which have moulded South African intervention in Lesotho, and its impacts on her perceptions about prospects for future African initiatives in the twenty first century. South Africa adopted a remarkably ambivalent foreign policy towards the region and indeed the rest of the continent. It is however, in the light of that development that a democratic South Africa became a dominant member state within SADC to enable her the capabilities of bringing African solutions (SADC in particular) to African conflicts. It is on this note that South Africa has intervened successfully towards resolving the Lesotho conflicts. South African foreign policy objective of enhancing international peace and security by maintaining efforts towards a lasting resolution of conflicts, stability and security situation in Lesotho achieved, and the general elections were ultimately held. It is however, acknowledged that South African government has made a firm commitment to developing its role as a voice for the global South. In supporting this statement, South Africa should seriously develop a reputation, culture and capacity as a patron of peace promotion which means continuing with investing political will and resources in mediation and human resources, and also engage in a concerted campaign to improve the peace-keeping ability and security mechanisms of the SADC through a commitment of technical and human resources. / (M.Soc.Sc.) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2005

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / Peace operations and security co-operations are expensive. Even though there are a variety of factors that influences peace agents when they consider approving a new, expanding an existing, or closing down a peace operation or security co-operation, one of these factors is the cost factor. If we were to isolate the cost factor it would follow that a reduction in the cost of peace operations and security co-operations, are likely to contribute to peace agents being more willing to approve new, expand existing or to give existing missions more time to consolidate before closing them down. There are a variety of ways how the cost of peace operations or security co-operations can be lowered. This thesis suggests an alliance with the private sector in the form of corporate sponsorships. In short, that peace operations and security co-operations be commodified and commercialised. This would entail introducing corporate sponsorship of some of the commodities that are used in peace operations and security co-operations, followed by the corporate sponsor using their involvement in the peace operation or security co-operation to their commercial advantage. The commodification and commercialisation of peace operations and security co-operations should result in the relevant operations and co-operations benefiting in a cost-effective as well as practical effectiveness sense, whereas the private sponsor should benefit in either or both a financial (profit) or an image-making sense. The psychological theory supporting such an argument is that of social identity theory. This theory explains how positive connotations made with peacemaking in warlike conditions will motivate industries to use this opportunity to show that their products can succeed in such demanding circumstances. Accordingly, social identity theory provides us with evidence as to how the commercialisation and commodification of peace operations and security co-operations can succeed. We also support our argument by providing a case study, Operation Rachel, which serves as a successful example of an operation that was (partially) commodified and commercialised. Operation Rachel, which can be seen as either or both a peace operation and security co-operation, shows that in the case of security co-operations, these operations should be presented as peace operations during the commodification and commercialisation processes.