I use a comparative political biographical approach to examine the lives and careers of two governors, Zell Miller and James B. Hunt. In so doing, I apply Shaffer’s theory of ideological realignment to two southern states by examining gubernatorial politics. I argue that these governors were electorally successful because they formed ideologically inclusive coalitions. I demonstrate that by forming ideologically inclusive coalitions that both governors experienced electoral successes. I examine those appeals through education, economic development, anti-crime, governmental efficiency and other issues. I seek to explain how Miller and Hunt’s life experiences shaped their respective political successes.

The purpose of this paper is to document and quantify the primary reasons for the gradual erosion of southern Democratic hegemony in presidential elections during the last twenty-four years. The results confirm and reinforce the findings of the historical study, which indicates the primary reason for changing southern allegiance has been the changing philosophy of the Democratic Party in the civil rights field.

For the past several decades the South has moved toward one-party Republican control, and yet the mega-southern state of Florida has not kept pace with the greater Southern Republican realignment for candidates running for statewide office. Instead, Florida has exhibited a Southern lag, where rural counties maintain higher Democratic registration than voting levels in supporting Democratic candidates for governor and U.S. Senate in the same general election year. There has been a gradual regional dealignment occurring in rural counties that are closer to the Deep Southern states of Alabama and Georgia. Using a range of aggregate Florida county election and registration data, research found the percentage of white voters and percentage of registered Democrats that comprise counties effect the Democratic deviation. These results have implications for campaign strategy and can be used in campaign targeting efforts.

In sub-Saharan African countries that have made democratic transition from military rule and military-backed authoritarian regimes, state elites have embarked upon strategies aimed at demilitarising the new democratic political process. Demilitarisation of the state and politics has become an imperative because it is decisive for consolidating democratic politics and for ensuring improvements in public safety and security. Yet the process of such demilitarisation in these countries has often generated a paradox, whereby the reduction of the political influence of state institutions of violence has been associatedw ith rising civil militarism and the prevalenceo f organised violence in the wider society. In these circumstances, taking cognisance of the dangers of civil militarism and other forms of private violence is a priority for designing and implementing demilitarisation strategies and other security reforms in post-authoritarian African states. Reformminded political elites and external supporters need to be sensitive to these dangers or risk perpetuating the shell of electoral democracy that cannot deliver the goal of human security in the region. This dissertation explored how the current approach to demilitarisation is related to the problem of civil militarism by examining the case studies of Nigeria and South Africa. It explains that given the condition of the state in Africa, demilitarisation of politics after transition from military or military-backed authoritarianism contributes to the emergence of civil militarism. Based on this finding, it argues for a comprehensive approach to demilitarisation as a strategy that caters to both state and societal violence in order to mitigate the risks of civil militarism in the process.

In sub-Saharan African countries that have made democratic transition from military rule and military-backed authoritarian regimes, state elites have embarked upon strategies aimed at demilitarising the new democratic political process. Demilitarisation of the state and politics has become an imperative because it is decisive for consolidating democratic politics and for ensuring improvements in public safety and security. Yet the process of such demilitarisation in these countries has often generated a paradox, whereby the reduction of the political influence of state institutions of violence has been associatedw ith rising civil militarism and the prevalenceo f organised violence in the wider society. In these circumstances, taking cognisance of the dangers of civil militarism and other forms of private violence is a priority for designing and implementing demilitarisation strategies and other security reforms in post-authoritarian African states. Reformminded political elites and external supporters need to be sensitive to these dangers or risk perpetuating the shell of electoral democracy that cannot deliver the goal of human security in the region. This dissertation explored how the current approach to demilitarisation is related to the problem of civil militarism by examining the case studies of Nigeria and South Africa. It explains that given the condition of the state in Africa, demilitarisation of politics after transition from military or military-backed authoritarianism contributes to the emergence of civil militarism. Based on this finding, it argues for a comprehensive approach to demilitarisation as a strategy that caters to both state and societal violence in order to mitigate the risks of civil militarism in the process.

International peacekeeping has gained a high profile in international relations and more so, in the post cold war era. The profound increase in the occurrence of civil wars globally and the consequent high demand for the UN to intervene has compelled the world body to delegate its peacekeeping powers to regional organisations. SADC is one of many regional organisations around the world which are faced with the challenge of developing peacekeeping capacities to resolve local conflicts. This thesis endeavours to investigate the prospects of peacekeeping in Southern Africa with specific reference to the involvement of South Africa as a regional power with the wherewithal to play a leadership role in this regard. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the Realist school of thought in international relations. Furthermore, the concept of national interest as defined by Realism will be utilised to explain why countries in Southern Africa in general and South Africa in particular become involved in regional peacekeeping initiatives. The issue of whether the Republic should be involved and how much it should be involved has provoked an intense debate within the country. This debate will therefore be instructive in understanding the dynamics that influence the country's foreign policy behaviour towards the region in relation to playing a leadership role in regional peacekeeping initiatives. The central issue implicit in the debate is the fact that most of the SADC member states that are expected to contribute towards these initiatives have weak economies. This economic weakness in turn leads to the thorny issue of having to seek foreign assistance from western countries from which the region is trying to gain greater independence. This presents the region with a paradox because foreign assistance has serious implications for the SADC countries' sovereignty. It is in this context therefore, that this thesis examines economic development in individual SADC countries and in the region as a whole to establish whether they are in a position to develop a sustainable regional peacekeeping capacity. The contention of the thesis is that economic development is closely related to peacekeeping because without a sound economic base Southern Africa or any other region for that matter, will not be able to develop a viable peacekeeping capacity. On the other hand, keeping the peace in the region is itself important for economic development because it is only in a peaceful environment that economic development can take root.

Thesis (M.A. (International Politics)) --University of Limpopo, 2014 / Debate on GNU centres around whether or not as a tool/plan/strategy it promotes, cultivates and fosters democracy in situations where there is lack there-of. In other words does a GNU create the conditions or environment necessary for the establishment of democracy? Various studies have shown that GNU is popular as a conflict-resolution tool and that in countries where it has been employed, it has resulted in the successful cessation of violent conflict. This study explores GNU to find out how successful it was in democratic entrenchment in Zimbabwe. It revealed through interviews and secondary sources that in Zimbabwe GNU managed to bring together antagonistic political contenders to work together for the restoration of peace and democracy and nation-building. GNU did not however, guarantee permanent solution of the crisis. In other words there were other significant issues which could not simply be resolved through a GNU. Finally the study further explored the different reasons for GNU inability to resolve those issues in Zimbabwe.

Traditional views on International Relations dominate regional analyses. These invariably emphasize the dominance of state and market forces in inter-state relations. Experiences and expectations of people are less prominent in these discourses, and the practices they foster. This thesis critically analyses the regional processes in West and southern Africa within the framework of Critical Theory. It argues that these processes are constrained by instability and the increasing legitimacy crises of the State. The thesis demonstrates that the State, through exclusive nationalist practices, hinder the growth of a cosmopolitan order, and it argues that neo-liberal regionalism is a contested phenomenon because of its exclusive nature. Finally, the thesis suggests steps needed to resolve the legitimacy crises and to build an inclusive regional order, based on cosmopolitan values.

The focus of this study is the Southern African Development Community (SADC) preventive diplomacy interventions in Lesotho in 1994, 1998 and 2007. The core aim of the study was to evaluate the efficacy of the SADC security mechanism (the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security (OPDS) in conflict prevention, management and resolution on the basis of the Lesotho experience. Data for this qualitative case study was collected through interviews and document analysis. The twenty four participants for the study were drawn from the SADC OPDS unit, Lesotho political parties, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), Academics from the University of Botswana (UB) and the National University of Lesotho (NUL), retired Botswana Defence officers who participated in the Lesotho missions and office of the post-2007election dispute dialogue facilitator in Lesotho. Documents on the SADC Treaties, Protocols, Communiqués and interventions in other set ups were used to highlight its operational policies, mandate, structures, successes and challenges. Lesotho was chosen as a case study because SADC employed both non-coercive (SADC Troika and Eminent Person mediation, 1994 and 2007 respectively) and coercive measures (the 1998 military intervention). The findings of the study revealed that SADC as a regional body had its own successes and challenges. Different perceptions on the SADC interventions in Lesotho emerged mainly between the participants from the ruling party and the opposition parties. While the former commended SADC for successfully mitigating the calamitous effects of 1994, 1998 and 2007 post-electoral violence, the opposition parties viewed the regional organisations as engaged in illegal interference in the domestic affairs of the country to defend the incumbent governing party. It also emerged from the study that the SADC security mechanism has numerous structural and operational flaws. There were several unanswered questions revolving around the legality and mandate of some of the missions. For instance, no concrete evidence emerged as to whether the 1998 military intervention was authorised by the SADC. The study also revealed that SADC has learnt valuable lessons from the Lesotho missions. Some of the reforms which the SADC has introduced in the OPDS such as the establishment of the SADC Stand by Force, Early Warning structures, the Mediation Unit, and a panel of expert mediators emanated mainly from the Lesotho experiences. The study recommends that SADC needs to harmonise the efforts of its OPDS structures such as the Mediation Unit; the Troika; the Inter-State Defence and Security Committee (ISDSC); the Inter-State Politics and Diplomacy Committee (ISPDC) and the Summit of Heads of States and Governments for rapid, coherent and well coordinated interventions in future regional preventive missions. It is also recommended that SADC should focus on identifying and mitigating underlying causal factors such as underdevelopment; poverty; deprivation of freedoms, marginalisation and other forms of social stratifications and oppression in its preventive diplomacy missions if durable peace is to be achieved in Lesotho and any other future cases.

This study focuses upon the Texas congressional delegation from 1933 to 1938 in an attempt to determine the extent of southern insurgency within that group. Following an examination of the Redeemer-insurgent dichotomy in southern politics since Reconstruction, the thesis analyzes roll-call votes on New Deal legislation concerning agricultural, financial, relief, and labor reform issues to demonstrate that a spirit of southern insurgency existed in Texas politics in the 1930's. The study concludes that Morris Sheppard, Sam Rayburn, Maury Maverick, W. D. McFarlane, R. Ewing Thomason, and Lyndon B. Johnson were politicians in the tradition of southern insurgents. The influence of these men, especially Sheppard, Rayburn, and Maverick, on the passage of legislation reflecting insurgent demands is demonstrated to be significant.