The 1917 Soviet Revolution in Russia was an attempt to fundamentally reorganise economic, social and legal life along anti-capitalist, participatory and egalitarian lines. This thesis suggests seven criteria for assessing the early Soviet legal debates: 1/. Broad ranging legal debates 2/ The social and historical context 3/. The legal record of Soviet Russia 4/. The socialist opposition 5/. Classical Marxist legal theory 6/. The axis of the early debates 7/. The contrast with Stalinism. An introduction explains the parameters of the thesis. Chapter 1 examines the classical Marxist theory of law and the state. Chapters 2 and 3 review the revolution’s context: the pre-1917 legal record and the political physiognomy and dynamics of the 1917 revolution. Chapters 4 and 5 probe the legal record of early Soviet Russia, and Lenin’s views on law. Chapter 6 reviews the legal debates, while chapters 7 and 8 focus on the particular contributions of Stuchka and Pashukanis. Chapter 9 examines the impact of the Socialist opposition, most notably the Left Opposition formed by Leon Trotsky at the end of 1923. Chapter 10 draws some tentative conclusions. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The purpose of this paper is to ascertain the relationship between the Sino-Soviet conflict and contemporary events in Indochina. I have yet to find a satisfactory analysis of this relationship. Of course there have been innumerable specialized books on related subjects, (such as the Sino-Soviet conflict, or Soviet and Chinese aid and trade policies with Indochina) but as far as I can gather, no study has focused on the Sino-Soviet conflict and its relationship with the Indochina countries of Vietnam, Laos and Kampuchea (Cambodia). By the very nature of the topic, I am forced to place limitations on the scope of this paper. Firstly, by necessity, it will concentrate on events which have occurred in Indochina, since the United States withdrawal from Vietnam in 1975. This I hope will prevent the paper from becoming a long winded narrative, Secondly, I have tried to place this study into a broader analytical framework, consequently I have placed little emphasis on describing events. A final caveat is necessary. The outside observer is often tempted to impose a great deal of rationality - or his own notion of what is rational - on a foreign policy process, which, in reality, may be marked by ambiguity, contradictions and idiosyncracies. I have tried to guard against this by allowing different notions of rationality and by a blending of different rationality concepts that characterize the countries dealt with, (former President Thieu of South Vietnam for example, consulted his horoscope so as to make better policy decisions; his astrologer was a high ranking intelligence officer, a former head of the South Vietnamese Central Intelligence Agency.) 1. 1. Charles E. Morrison and Astri Suhrke. "Strategies of Survival the foreign policy dilemmas of smaller Asia States" 1st Edition St. Lucia. Queensland 1978 page IX.

Studying the last century and a half of Ukrainian linguistic history reveals relentless attempts to stifle the development of Ukrainian as well as to suppress translation activities under both the tsarist and Soviet regimes. Exploring the morphological evolution of the Ukrainian language discloses evidence of terminological inconsistencies due to the lexical russification of Ukrainian during the Soviet regime, leading to inconsistencies between the standard of Ukrainian used in the Soviet Union versus that used in the diaspora. Additional examination of Ukrainian linguistic history discloses political motives for banning translations, refusing the right to translate, censoring translations, and punishing translators who rejected the mandatory Soviet literary norm of Socialist Realism. In order to further understand the implications of translation practices in the Ukrainian SSR, it is important to examine the language policies, political agendas and translation practices prior to and throughout the Soviet regime. This thesis explores and analyses the russification of Ukrainian through translation policies designed to fulfil Soviet political and ideological agendas. It compares power differentials between Russian and Ukrainian, as well as between Russian and other minority languages in translation, and examines the resulting terminological inconsistencies. It shows unequivocally how translation, transliteration, and censorship were used to foster linguicide and assimilate Ukrainian minorities, from the late tsarist era to the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Officially in 1934, socialist realism emerged in Soviet society as the new cultural aesthetic, providing an artistic framework for all forms of cultural productionart, music, architecture and literature. In the realm of childrens writing, socialist realism had particularly interesting effects on the themes and formulas that were utilized by authors. Though once thought to represent the tsarist and peasant past, the Party encouraged the use of traditional folk elements to popularize the new overtly Soviet tales, despite the apparent unorthodoxy. Similarly, authors were encouraged to reintroduce the hero, also seemingly unorthodox in what was a theoretically collective society. Nonetheless, heroic themes and characters emerged to recognize achievements in industry and the drive for modernization, encourage vigilance against internal and external spies and saboteurs, propagandize the Soviet war effort against Germany, and honour Soviet soldiers for their sacrifices. Soviet childrens books demonstrated to youth the communist qualities of selflessness and devotion to the collective, and about the dangers of idleness. Children learned that the Soviet Union was to be the new Soviet family, replacing the bond of blood kinship. The leader cult filtered down to childrens books and Stalin made a significant appearance as the father of all heroes. This thesis argues that the Party recognized the value of childrens literature for shaping the character development of young readers. Popular in their own right, childrens books were not able to avoid the manipulation and control of the Party, which employed them as tools of propaganda. However, it is difficult to separate the extent of their genuine popularity from their appeal as propaganda.

Studying the last century and a half of Ukrainian linguistic history reveals relentless attempts to stifle the development of Ukrainian as well as to suppress translation activities under both the tsarist and Soviet regimes. Exploring the morphological evolution of the Ukrainian language discloses evidence of terminological inconsistencies due to the lexical russification of Ukrainian during the Soviet regime, leading to inconsistencies between the standard of Ukrainian used in the Soviet Union versus that used in the diaspora. Additional examination of Ukrainian linguistic history discloses political motives for banning translations, refusing the right to translate, censoring translations, and punishing translators who rejected the mandatory Soviet literary norm of Socialist Realism. In order to further understand the implications of translation practices in the Ukrainian SSR, it is important to examine the language policies, political agendas and translation practices prior to and throughout the Soviet regime. This thesis explores and analyses the russification of Ukrainian through translation policies designed to fulfil Soviet political and ideological agendas. It compares power differentials between Russian and Ukrainian, as well as between Russian and other minority languages in translation, and examines the resulting terminological inconsistencies. It shows unequivocally how translation, transliteration, and censorship were used to foster linguicide and assimilate Ukrainian minorities, from the late tsarist era to the collapse of the Soviet Union.

A recent genre study by Erika Gottlieb (2001) divides dystopian literature into two temporal categories, which she calls West and East. Within this framework, Gottlieb places Evgenii Zamiatin’s We (1921) within her Western framework comprised of authors primarily concerned with envisaging future totalitarian societies. Conversely, she places Andrei Platonov’s The Foundation Pit (1930) within her Eastern framework of authors concerned with providing descriptive works of those totalitarian societies come to pass in the present. It is with these classifications that this thesis takes issue. It is my contention that in We Zamiatin was actually centrally concerned with providing a description and critical account of both the volatile, repressive socialist system of contemporary Leninist Russia and the claim that post-revolutionary Russia now inhabited a post-historical epoch. I further argue that in The Foundation Pit Platonov was as concerned with questions of the future as he was with the society of the present: in his implied criticism of Stalin’s Five-Year Plans, he engages not merely with the political policies of a particular moment in time, but with the larger view of how the present relates to the future which underlies them.

A recent genre study by Erika Gottlieb (2001) divides dystopian literature into two temporal categories, which she calls West and East. Within this framework, Gottlieb places Evgenii Zamiatin’s We (1921) within her Western framework comprised of authors primarily concerned with envisaging future totalitarian societies. Conversely, she places Andrei Platonov’s The Foundation Pit (1930) within her Eastern framework of authors concerned with providing descriptive works of those totalitarian societies come to pass in the present. It is with these classifications that this thesis takes issue. It is my contention that in We Zamiatin was actually centrally concerned with providing a description and critical account of both the volatile, repressive socialist system of contemporary Leninist Russia and the claim that post-revolutionary Russia now inhabited a post-historical epoch. I further argue that in The Foundation Pit Platonov was as concerned with questions of the future as he was with the society of the present: in his implied criticism of Stalin’s Five-Year Plans, he engages not merely with the political policies of a particular moment in time, but with the larger view of how the present relates to the future which underlies them.

Officially in 1934, socialist realism emerged in Soviet society as the new cultural aesthetic, providing an artistic framework for all forms of cultural productionart, music, architecture and literature. In the realm of childrens writing, socialist realism had particularly interesting effects on the themes and formulas that were utilized by authors. Though once thought to represent the tsarist and peasant past, the Party encouraged the use of traditional folk elements to popularize the new overtly Soviet tales, despite the apparent unorthodoxy. Similarly, authors were encouraged to reintroduce the hero, also seemingly unorthodox in what was a theoretically collective society. Nonetheless, heroic themes and characters emerged to recognize achievements in industry and the drive for modernization, encourage vigilance against internal and external spies and saboteurs, propagandize the Soviet war effort against Germany, and honour Soviet soldiers for their sacrifices. Soviet childrens books demonstrated to youth the communist qualities of selflessness and devotion to the collective, and about the dangers of idleness. Children learned that the Soviet Union was to be the new Soviet family, replacing the bond of blood kinship. The leader cult filtered down to childrens books and Stalin made a significant appearance as the father of all heroes. This thesis argues that the Party recognized the value of childrens literature for shaping the character development of young readers. Popular in their own right, childrens books were not able to avoid the manipulation and control of the Party, which employed them as tools of propaganda. However, it is difficult to separate the extent of their genuine popularity from their appeal as propaganda.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 266-286). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009. / Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Keyser, Boris. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Russian Language, Language Policy, Russification, Russia, Russian Federation, Soviet Union, Former Soviet Union, Identity, Nationalist, Nationalism, russkie, rossiianne, Baltic States, Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, Pushkin, Lermontov, Tolstoy, Romanov Dynasty, Bolsheviks, Communist Party, Lenin, Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Gorbachev, Yeltsin, Putin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 31-33). Also available in print.