Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, 1909. / "Extrait de la Revue de dialectologie romane, I (1909) Société Internationale de dialectologie romane." Published also as Bulletin no. 53; Language series, vol. I, no. 2 of University of New Mexico. Includes bibliographical references (p. 2-6).

Thesis--Freiburg i. Br.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--New York University, Graduate School of Arts and Science, 2004. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 190-205). Also available in electronic format on the World Wide Web. Access restricted to users affiliated with the licensed institutions.

Thesis--PlanB (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Stout, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Queensland, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-62).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 318 p.: ill. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Charles R. Hancock, College of Education. Includes bibliographical references (p. 308-318).

Las oraciones en las que un clitico de objeto directo (OD) u objeto indirecto (OI) aparece junto con un SN correferencial han presentado muchos problemas para la sintaxis en los ultimos anos. Este fenomeno ha sido estudiado por numerosos linguistas (Kayne 75, Jaeggli 86, Sportiche 96, Suner 93 y 00, Ordonez 98 y 00, Franco 93, 00), dando tantos resultados como analisis presentados. Hasta ahora la "opcionalidad" parece la salida mas facil al problema de decidir si el doblado de cliticos es agramatical o no. Esta tesis demostrara que tal "opcionalidad" no existe. Agrupare todas las posibilidades bien en el grupo del doblado obligatorio, o bien en el grupo del doblado agramatical. Tambien demostrare que la clave del problema esta no en asumir que los objetos indirectos y directos doblados son opcionales, sino que, o son obligatorios o son agramaticales.

Traditionally, subject licensing has been linked to the presence of agreement. From that point of view, Spanish infinitives are not supposed to have overt subjects since they do not have any agreement. However, overt subjects occur in Spanish whenever the infinitive is ungoverned, (Lagunilla, 1987; Hernanz, 1999). This thesis focuses on the licensing of these overt subjects and the occurrence of these subjects and PRO in the same contexts. After reviewing previous analyses, Lagunilla (1987), Suner (1994), Torrego (1998) and Rigau (1995). I claim that: (i) Spanish infinitives have abstract agreement (Rigau, 1995; Torrego, 1998); (ii) there is an agreement absorption mechanism that prevents governed infinitives from having agreement. In this proposal, only ungoverned infinitives would have agreement. I take Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou's (1998) assumptions on the EPP in Spanish to show that my approach is consistent with an account of the distribution of PRO as EPP-driven (Harley, 2000).

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