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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Full text release at OhioLINK's ETD Center delayed at author's request

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Thesis (M.A.)--Kutztown State College, 1982. / Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2850. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaf 34).

Florida’s Spanish borderland was the result of over two hundred and fifty years of cooperation and contention among Indians, Spain, Britain, the United States and Africans who lived with them all. The borderland was shaped by the differing cultural definitions of color and how color affected laws about manumission, miscegenation, legitimacy, citizenship or degrees of rights for free people of color and to some extent for slaves themselves. The borderland did not vanish after the United States acquired Florida. It persisted in three ways. First, in advocacy for the former Spanish system by some white patriarchs who fathered mixed race families. Free blacks and people of color also had an interest in maintaining their property and liberties. Second, Indians in Florida and escaped slaves who allied with them well knew how whites treated non-whites, and they fiercely resisted white authority. Third, the United States reacted to both of these in the context of fear that further slave revolutions in the Caribbean, colluding with the Indian-African alliance in Florida, might destabilize slavery in the United States. In the new Florida Territory, Spanish era practices based on a less severe construction of race were soon quashed, but not without the articulate objections of a cadre of whites. Led by Zephaniah Kingsley, their arguments challenged the strict biracial system of the United States. This was a component of the persistent borderland, but their arguments were, in the end, also in the service of slavery and white patriarchy. The persistent border included this ongoing resistance to strict biracialism, but it was even more distinct because of the Indian-African resistance to the United States that was not in the service of slavery. To defend slavery and whiteness, the United States sent thousands of its military, millions of its treasure, and spent years to subdue the Indian-African alliance and to make Florida and its long shorelines a barrier to protect whiteness and patriarchy in the Deep South.

This thesis considers how different groups of Spanish speakers (monolinguals, early bilinguals and late bilinguals) organize and limit grammatical optionality related to the placement of Spanish pronominal clitics with many complex infinitival constructions (Spanish clitic-climbing). In examining empirical work on the process and outcome of early and late dual language exposure and how early and late bilinguals acquire and limit grammatical optionality, this study will contribute to our understanding of 1) the nature of language-related cognition at different ages; 2) the systematic nature of bilingual language behaviour in child and adults (transfer, cross-language influence, etc.); 3) the cognitive and contextual factors associated with age of exposure to bilingualism to explain bilingual language behaviour; and 4) the importance of incorporating a clear model of language variation (language-internally and cross-linguistically) into a formal model of (bilingual) language. The empirical study conducted here tested how highly proficient heritage speakers (HS) of Spanish (native speakers of Spanish and Spanish-English bilinguals) deal with the optionality of clitic-climbing structures compared to monolingual speakers (native speakers) and highly proficient adult L2 speakers of Spanish (Spanish-English bilinguals). Forty participants completed a picture elicitation task testing a lexical limitation of the optionality, and an acceptability-preference task testing the speakers’ judgments on structural, semantic and lexical limitations of the optionality. Results show that all groups of speakers exhibited knowledge of syntactic constraints associated with pronominal placement in Spanish (optional clitic-climbing) infinitival sentences. All groups also performed similarly in exhibiting sensitivity to non-categorical factors that have been shown to guide the preferences of monolingual Spanish speakers. However, in the production task, the heritage speakers significantly outperformed the monolingual and non-native speakers of Spanish in their use of the Spanish-specific variant (proclisis). I explain these results through both cognitive and contextual factors related to age of exposure to bilingualism, and I discuss how the production results may underestimate a monolingual-bilingual difference for this optional domain.

The relationship in a bilingual conversation between language choice and identity has been the subject of research in different disciplines such as sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, and second language acquisition among others. The purpose of this research was to understand why and how language alternation occurs in bilingual interviews and its potential connection with identity. The data analyzed was from interviews from Proyecto Latino@, a previous research on Latin@ high school students’ experiences in schools and their academic engagement and/or disengagement. Participants’ narratives of their experiences indicated that code-switching is a result and a process of cultural adaptation. Code-switching in this research presented ways in which participants re-created their own concept of identity. Bilinguals of the Proyecto Latin@ portrayed a multiple identities construction –Spanish- English – when code-switching.

The relationship in a bilingual conversation between language choice and identity has been the subject of research in different disciplines such as sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, and second language acquisition among others. The purpose of this research was to understand why and how language alternation occurs in bilingual interviews and its potential connection with identity. The data analyzed was from interviews from Proyecto Latino@, a previous research on Latin@ high school students’ experiences in schools and their academic engagement and/or disengagement. Participants’ narratives of their experiences indicated that code-switching is a result and a process of cultural adaptation. Code-switching in this research presented ways in which participants re-created their own concept of identity. Bilinguals of the Proyecto Latin@ portrayed a multiple identities construction –Spanish- English – when code-switching.

The purpose of this paper is to determine the degree of uniformity in the narrative roles that male and female characters carry out in the relationships in El adulterio como vocacion y otros cuentos (2012), a collection of six short stories written by the Spanish author and journalist Juan José Millás. The analysis is based on the theory of narrative roles, developed by the French literary scholar Claude Bremond in Logique du récit (1973). The analysis concludes that even though some recurrences can be discerned, the two sexes do not have fixed roles throughout the stories. In the first three stories the women tend to be degraders and beneficiaries, while the men shoulder the role of a victim. In the last two stories of the book this situation is reversed. The fourth story differs somewhat from the rest, since both man and woman are mainly beneficiaries.

This thesis considers how different groups of Spanish speakers (monolinguals, early bilinguals and late bilinguals) organize and limit grammatical optionality related to the placement of Spanish pronominal clitics with many complex infinitival constructions (Spanish clitic-climbing). In examining empirical work on the process and outcome of early and late dual language exposure and how early and late bilinguals acquire and limit grammatical optionality, this study will contribute to our understanding of 1) the nature of language-related cognition at different ages; 2) the systematic nature of bilingual language behaviour in child and adults (transfer, cross-language influence, etc.); 3) the cognitive and contextual factors associated with age of exposure to bilingualism to explain bilingual language behaviour; and 4) the importance of incorporating a clear model of language variation (language-internally and cross-linguistically) into a formal model of (bilingual) language. The empirical study conducted here tested how highly proficient heritage speakers (HS) of Spanish (native speakers of Spanish and Spanish-English bilinguals) deal with the optionality of clitic-climbing structures compared to monolingual speakers (native speakers) and highly proficient adult L2 speakers of Spanish (Spanish-English bilinguals). Forty participants completed a picture elicitation task testing a lexical limitation of the optionality, and an acceptability-preference task testing the speakers’ judgments on structural, semantic and lexical limitations of the optionality. Results show that all groups of speakers exhibited knowledge of syntactic constraints associated with pronominal placement in Spanish (optional clitic-climbing) infinitival sentences. All groups also performed similarly in exhibiting sensitivity to non-categorical factors that have been shown to guide the preferences of monolingual Spanish speakers. However, in the production task, the heritage speakers significantly outperformed the monolingual and non-native speakers of Spanish in their use of the Spanish-specific variant (proclisis). I explain these results through both cognitive and contextual factors related to age of exposure to bilingualism, and I discuss how the production results may underestimate a monolingual-bilingual difference for this optional domain.