This thesis investigates small-scale community-based shrimp aquaculture (CBSA) in northwestern Sri Lanka. The objectives are to explore: (1) community-based shrimp aquaculture; (2) commons institutions and application of commons rules; and (3) policy implications (i.e., as an alternative to large-scale operations in ensuring sustainability). Data were gathered from three communities in northwestern Sri Lanka, through participant observations; semi-structured interviews; focus group discussions; and key informant interviews. Presence of small-scale community-based institutions is evident. Arguably, commons in this context are social-ecological systems, including the interconnected natural water body. Main characteristics of the existing resource governance system are multi-level commons institutional structure; zonal crop calendar system; collaborative/participatory management approach; and better management practices. A SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, threats) analysis proves the viability of existing CBSA. This thesis recognizes CBSA as an alternative approach to large-scale aquaculture operations to ensure sustainability in the long run.

This thesis investigates small-scale community-based shrimp aquaculture (CBSA) in northwestern Sri Lanka. The objectives are to explore: (1) community-based shrimp aquaculture; (2) commons institutions and application of commons rules; and (3) policy implications (i.e., as an alternative to large-scale operations in ensuring sustainability). Data were gathered from three communities in northwestern Sri Lanka, through participant observations; semi-structured interviews; focus group discussions; and key informant interviews. Presence of small-scale community-based institutions is evident. Arguably, commons in this context are social-ecological systems, including the interconnected natural water body. Main characteristics of the existing resource governance system are multi-level commons institutional structure; zonal crop calendar system; collaborative/participatory management approach; and better management practices. A SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, threats) analysis proves the viability of existing CBSA. This thesis recognizes CBSA as an alternative approach to large-scale aquaculture operations to ensure sustainability in the long run.

En typiskt singalesisk måltid tar lång tid att göra, den ska bestå av flera smårätter och gärna med kryddor från hemlandet. Har den kulturella måltidssynen hos de singalesiska kvinnorna förändrats, förstärkts eller påverkats av att vara i ett annat land och i så fall varför? Är det fortfarande den singalesiska husmanskosten som anses vara ett ”proper meal”? Syftet är att undersöka fem singalesiska kvinnors egna uppfattningar om ämnet ”proper meal” från ett singalesiskt perspektiv och undersöka om deras uppfattning har förändrats under tiden de bott i Sverige. Studien är kvalitativ och för att undersöka hur singalesiska kvinnor uppfattade och tänkte kring dessa frågor har en pilotfokusgrupp samt en skarp fokusgrupp skulle utgjort metoden för datainsamling.  En lunch eller middag ska enligt denna studie vara singalesisk och därigenom bestå av en kött- eller fiskrätt, serveras med ris och två till tre grönsaker som tillbehör för att den ska vara en riktig måltid både till vardagar och helger. Kopplingen till ”proper meals” kan göras från ett singalesiskt perspektiv för vardags-, helg- och även festmåltider. Det framstod också hur matlagningen var förknippad med identiteten och den kulturella tillhörigheten.

This thesis offers a multi-faceted exploration of image worship theology and practice within a Vaishnava Hindu theistic devotional tradition founded in the sixteenth century, flourishing today largely in north and northeast India and, since recently, spreading worldwide. The thesis serves two aims. First, it augments existing scholarship on Hindu temple image worship and Caitanya (Gaudīya) Vaishņavism by focusing on two contemporary temple communities one in the north Indian pilgrimage centre Vrindavan, the second near Watford, outside London. These represent, respectively, an "embodied community" and a "missionizing tradition," following Barbara Holdrege's typology in her studies of Hindu and Jewish traditions. By considering the practice of worship (mūrti-sevā) in terms of two persistent themes, namely rule-governed practice (vaidhī-sādhana) and emotion-driven practice (rāgānuga-sādhana), I show how the elements of "embodiment" and "missionizing" blend to produce variations on the overarching theme of Krsna bhakti, devotion to Kŗşna as the supreme divinity. Second, by focusing on the divine image in these two temples and the practice of worship, I offer one study of how "religious truth" is understood within these communities in terms of three dimensions of truth proposed by the Comparative Religious Ideas Project at Boston University (1995-1999; Robert C. Neville, et al., Religious Truth, State University of New York Press, 2001). At the same time I offer an attempt to extend the scope of that project by adding the dimensions of physical image and ritual practice to its existing dimension, religious ideas. I show how the central notion of devotion to Kŗşna as God (bhagavān) entails a complex web of discursive, ritual, and narrative expression to sustain image worship as a truth of embodiment/practice (the opposite of failure) which is also expressive truth (the opposite of deceit) that follows from propositional/epistemological truth (the opposite of error).

No description available.

Abstract This research is concerned with exploring, describing and interpreting the potential of community participation in improving food security in rural households in the Kolonna area. It explores the importance and value of the ancient village tank system as a vehicle for enhancing both community participation and food security. In Sri Lanka there still exists a network of large and small irrigation tanks and associated distribution and drainage channels that was originally established 1000-2000 years ago. This system apparently formed the basis of an effective cooperative social system that endured for centuries. More recently, several centuries of colonial rule caused the abolition of this participatory system by the British and the social structure and tank system of the village collapsed. Since independence in 1948, several government departments and international institutions have been trying to rebuild this social structure around the village tank, but with only limited success. This thesis describes efforts to document the potential for incorporating historical knowledge and farmers’ perceptions into sustainable community participatory programs in agricultural activities based on village tanks, with the aim of improving food security in a rural area of Sri Lanka. A mixed methods approach was employed to address the research questions identified for the study. It involved predominantly qualitative methodology including focus groups and individual interviews with a range of stakeholders including government and spiritual authorities allowed the exploration of the realities of village life and issues affecting food security. Significant findings not evident in typical governmental statistical reports include the following: (1) Household food security in rural areas is still a major problem. Agricultural production rather than purchased food is the main source for caloric intake of rural households and many farmers experience food insecurity due to unexpected seasonal crop failures. Furthermore, almost 10% of the residents of Kolonna area experience acute food insecurity, which occurs due to poverty. These people typically do not have secure access to land for growing their own crops but rely on casual wages work. (2) The major constraint to food security identified by respondents was lack of consistently available and equitably distributed irrigation water, although in contrast occasional flood damages to land and crops s due to flood was also a significant problem. Some farmers also believed that marketing and distribution channel constraints limited their commercial returns and income, and capacity to enjoy year-round food security. v (3) Despite the existence of several community participatory programs in the Kolonna area, they are not perceived to be successful. Only one third of the villagers are involved in these programs and more than 40% were unaware of their existence. Major criticisms included the perception of political interference and favoritism in the process governing their operations, which favored relatively few recipients. . (4) There appears to be strong support amongst villagers for revision of cooperative approaches such that management is by representatively elected independent committee that allow involvement of the most suitable farmers. This perception was linked to beliefs that a renewed focus on the village tank would be ultimately more beneficial than focusing solely on improving food security, because of the capacity to incorporate traditional community participatory approaches. Valuable features of the traditional system include sharing rather than hiring labor, dividing communal tasks among community members, and rules and regulations imposed by a recognized and accepted governing body. The implications of these findings for further research, policy and practice are discussed.

The fieldwork on which this dissertation is based was done in Sri Lanka from 1984 to 1986 when the critique of the of the anthropologist as 'Knower of the Other' was surfacing in the literature (Fabian, 1983, Clifford and Marcus, 1986, Marcus and Fisher 1986). When I returned from the field most works of this genre were generally unknown in Adelaide. However, I began by writing with the insights of Bakhtin who himself had inspired central dimensions of the burgeoning critique of anthropological practice. Like Bakhtin's work, the debates about ethnographic authority continue to invite us to reflect upon the methods employed in the production of any text which claims to define the world of others. It therefore seems appropriate for me to preface this dissertation by highlighting relevant features of the processes which have culminated in this work, Cosmic Horizons and Social Voices. The nature of my fieldwork was distinctive. I did not work in a spatially constrained community. Rather my work was anchored by the work of specialist ritual practitioners, both deity priests and performers. Because the practitioners themselves not only live in dispersed locations but are also highly mobile in relation to the work that they do, my work entailed extensive travel in and between urban centres and rural areas across several provincial divisions. In the course of eighteen months of this kind of fieldwork, I attended in excess of fifty rituals of different types and scale. Over time, I developed personalized networks with more than fifty ritual practitioners privileging me to a broad span of rituals. I worked regularly, and often intimately, with a core of five priests and ten performers to give depth to my understandings. Many of these practitioners appropriated me to themselves at rituals where they publicly announced the purpose of my presence to ritual audiences as being to document Sinhala culture. I was claimed by them as 'our madam' ('ape noona') and as a university lecturer, which they knew very well I was not. This public acknowledgement legitimated my documentation of performances which were, after all, paid for by others. It also had the effect that the sponsors largely treated me as a member of the performing troupe. My growing familiarity with ritual practitioners had the further ramification that some of them insisted that I discuss the meanings of the rituals I documented with those people whom they considered specialists in their field. Soon, therefore, in addition to attending rituals, I spent a great deal of my time entertaining, and being entertained by, ritual specialists with whom I discussed deeper levels of their knowledge and work. In this way, and through my own unique constellation of relationships, I accumulated ritual knowledge, albeit at the theoretical, not practical, level. Some people shared esoteric and valued information with me that they would not disseminate to others with whom they were in competition. This field exercise provided a singular vantage point from which I have interpreted Sinhalese Buddhist ritual practices. While the final selection of rituals interpreted in the dissertation is mine, and represents only aspects of the larger body of knowledge carried collectively by Sri Lanka's ritual practitioners, the interpretations are based not simply on my observations, but on this body of knowledge which was shared with me even as it was constantly discussed, disputed, disseminated and transformed by ritual practitioners. My understandings of the meanings of ritual were consolidated in both quasi-formal and informal social settings, at my home and theirs, with people renowned as ritual experts by their peers. I collected ritual knowledge like ritual practitioners, in bits and pieces from different people. And, like practitioners who publicly acknowledge only one gurunnanse, I acknowledge mine formally, in the public arena of my own world, in the Introduction. There is another dimension of my field experience that I want to mention before discussing how it was metamorphosed by writing. My three children, Grant, Vanessa and Mark accompanied me to Sri Lanka at the ages of 9, 11 and 12 respectively. Their beautiful, inquisitive and effervescent youth attracted many people to us as a family which meant that they became wonderful sources of new friends and colloquial information. Both of the boys were fascinated with the unique rhythms of Sri Lanka's ritual music and dance and before long, they were keen to learn these for themselves. Grant was deeply disappointed that he could not because, like Vanessa, he was committed to his schooling and, even at 12, he was taller than many of the ritual practitioners. Mark was younger and, in any case, of a much smaller build so he became a pupil of Elaris Weerasingha, a ritual practitioner with international fame, who became my husband. Mark left school to work with Elaris and his sons, often at rituals other than those I attended. With Elaris as his gurunnanse, Mark made his ritual debut just as novice Sinhala performers do. The Sri Lankan press discovered this unique cross-cultural relationship in late December 1986 just as we were preparing to return to Australia. Memorable photographs appeared in both English language and Sinhala papers accompanied by full-page stories praising Elaris for his teaching and acclaiming Mark for proficiency in dance and fluency in Sinhala language and verse. We were delighted. Mark and Elaris continued to perform together in Adelaide at the Festival of Arts, on television and at multicultural art shows before Elaris returned to Sri Lanka to live for family reasons early in 1988. I remember Elaris for both the joy of our union and the pain of our parting. I want to thank him here for sharing his culture with us and especially for the way he supported me to believe in my understandings of the rituals he knew so well. I transcribed my field experience with the help of Bakhtinian insights. The rituals I studied are analysed for their performative value under the heading Cosmic Horizons with faithful reference to what their producers, including Elaris, consider to be one of their most important dimensions if they are to be efficacious; where and when they should occur. I call these facets of ritual their time-space co-ordinates and I employ Bakhtin's conception of the chronotype, in conjunction with practitioner's naming practices, to give them the analytical emphasis they deserve. Using elaborations of ritual meanings articulated to me by ritual specialists and colloquial understandings of words rather than their linguistic etymologies, I variously explore the chronotopic dimensions of the names of supernatural. beings, myths, ritual boundaries and segments to render explicit those unifying symbolic dimensions of a ritual corpus which would otherwise remain implicit to all except ritual practitioners. In particular, the Bakhtinian conceptions I use to analyse ritual serve to reveal and crystallize an integral relationship between the time-space co-ordinates inherent in ritual performance and the oscillations of the sun, moon and earth. Part 1 is my synthesis but it is based on the time-space co-ordinates of ritual; it is deliberately constructionist but it elaborates what I learned from ritual practitioners in the ways I have described. Part 2 is deconstructionist, it is an attempt to represent rituals as events with complex and indirect discursive reference to the elegant symbolic dimensions of the ritual performances themselves. As its title, Social Voices, suggests, Part 2 of the thesis privileges discourse about ritual - by ritual practitioners, ritual sponsors, Buddhist monks, the media and scholars - above the structural symmetry or chronotopic logic of the ritual corpus. It is in this domain, just to offer one example, that religion (agama) is distinguished from culture (sanskruthaiya) and exploited to make value judgements about people's participation in orthodox or unorthodox ritual practices, a judgement which is a possibility of the comic horizons constituted in ritual but which is not, as I argue, determined by them. This dissertation is ultimately an attempt to represent, in written form, fragments of an-Other world through a prosaic Bakhtinian focus on the way particular people named and talked about that world to me. Although I chose not to identify individuals in the text for personal reasons, my methodology is purposeful, giving value to Sinhalese performative ritual as the product of specialist knowledge. And, in keeping with the new imperatives for writing ethnography, this preface describing my field experience is intended to make explicit the way the dissertation explores its foundation in relationships between Self and Other, Observer and Observed, without abrogating the responsibility of authorship. Not pretending to be the voice of the Other, Cosmic Horizons and Social Voices is my voice, echoing the voice of Sri Lanka as it spoke to me. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--School of Social Sciences, 1990.

No description available.

[Abstract]: During the last 27 years, the banking industry in Sri Lanka has undergone a series of changes through financial reforms, advancement of communication and information technologies, globalisation of financial services, and economic development. Those changes should have had a considerable effect on efficiency, productivity change, market structure and performance in the banking industry. The motivation of this study is to investigate empirically the impact of those changes on the banking industry. Thus, this study aims to address three main research issues related to the banking industry in Sri Lanka, namely:1. Whether deregulation of the financial services sector has led to improvement in efficiency and productivity gains.2. Whether banks’ inefficiency in the banking industry in Sri Lanka is determined by a set of microeconomic and macroeconomic variables.3. Whether the changes in efficiency or changes in market structure have influenced the overall operational performance of banks in Sri Lanka.This study adopts a non-parametric Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) and Malmquist Productivity Index (MPI) to measure efficiency and productivity gains of banks in Sri Lanka using financial and other information representing all local banks over a sixteen year period from 1989 to 2004. Input and output variables are refined to represent the intermediation and assets transformation roles of banks. Window analysis of mean estimated efficiency scores in both aspects indicates a negative trend in estimated efficiency during the study period. However, the analysis of efficiency scores (intermediation) of different forms of banks shows a negative trend during the first half of the study period and a slight positive trend during the end of the second half. These results imply that deregulation may have failed to improve the efficiency of the Sri Lankan banking industry in the short-term. However, the expected benefits of deregulation can be achieved in the long-term. Interestingly, the two state-owned banks have responded poorly to the initial phase of Sri Lankan financial reforms. However, the improved autonomy given to boards of management under the commercialisation process has led not only to improved efficiency, but also to the reduction of the efficiency gap between the state-owned banks and privately-owned banks. The analysis of efficiency scores (asset transformation) of different forms of banks records a stable trend in estimated efficiency. On the otherhand, estimated MPIs show that Sri Lankan banks have focused on improving productivity in the asset transformation process rather than the intermediationprocess.Analysis of determinants of technical efficiency shows that technical efficiency in intermediation has positive relationships with variables such as profitability,operational risk, purchased funds, liquidity and stock market capitalization; and negative relationships with variables such as product quality and line of business(commercial bank). Further, results show that efficiency in the asset transformation process has positive relationships with capital strength, operational risk, and market capitalisation; and negative relationships with line of business ownership (privately owned banks) and old banks. The investigation of influence of market structure and efficiency on operational performance finds that banks’ relative market power and technical efficiency have a significant influence on their return on assets (ROA). Noevidence supports any relationship of net interest margin with variables such as market power, concentration and efficiency.

Proefschrift Universiteit van Amsterdam. / Auteursnaam op omslag: Udan Fernando.