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Based on the theory of local state corporatism, the state-centered approach, which emphasizes the importance of state autonomy, was applied to explore the evolvement of rural industry. From the viewpoint of the relationship between state and society, the author explained why the local government and farmers were able to promote the development of Township Village Enterprises (TVEs) and rural economy in 1970s¡¦. Basically, the evolvement of rural industry in China was derived from the thinking of state industrialization and modernization. It has changed three times since the establishment of People¡¦s Republic of China. During the periods of Mao and Deng, though each change was due to the different situations or strategies, the fundamental philosophy were the same. The central government ¡¦s policy, the reform of rural economy, and the effective decision and control of local government were the major factors for the development of TVEs and the change of property system in 1980s¡¦. In short, local state corporatism was a makeshift device for the local government to control and divide resources with administrative powers to pursue desired political, economic and societal goals. It formed a system in which the cadres of the Communist Party, the officials of government, businessmen and farmers were united to achieve these goals. Under the autarchy of Chinese Communist Party, this kind of political-oriented economy reform in rural areas changed dramatically the interrelationship between state agents and social organizations and rebuilt a new model for such interactions. These experiences would have a great deal of implications for the underdevelopment countries of the third world.

The research study used the state and society approach to discuss the varying roles of the Chinese government and other social sectors, including international non-governmental organizations in China's anti-poverty campaign. China has thus far achieved remarkable progress in its poverty alleviation initiatives since 1978. The Chinese government started the rural structural revolution from 1978 to 1985 and subsequently, undertook massive development-oriented programs that were poverty focused from 1986 to 1993. In 1994, the Chinese Government formulated the Seven-Year Priority Poverty Alleviation Program (1994-2000) and it also launched the Development-Oriented Poverty Reduction Program (2001-2010) in 2001. In order to achieve its goals to reduce poverty, the Chinese government undertook: partnership with all social sectors; the strategy of self-reliance and reducing poverty through development; and the road of all-round development considered as the robust driving forces in China's poverty alleviation campaign. The main thrust of China¡¦s anti-poverty policy is to strengthen the capacity of the targeted population to fight poverty and attain prosperity. In conclusion, while poverty reduction essentially depends on the efforts of the governments in China, the strong support and partnership of the non-governmental organizations and other social sectors are also a necessity that will spell out the difference in the success of the program.

Policy networks is a body of literature dedicated to modelling state-civil society relationship formats. In this particular relationship, an interest group with privileged (insider) access to the party in power gains advantage in the policy-making process by utilizing party’s ability to make political appointments in the civil service. The parentela (or type 1 parentela) was first discovered by Joseph La Palombara (1964) in 1960s Italy and was documented later again by Greer (1994) in 1920s-1970s Northern Ireland. Still, there has been no parentela research since 1994, save for Yishai (1992), who argued the parentela did not exist in Israel in 1980s. It seems the concept is considered of little utility to the academic community today. At the same time, as a category of policy networks, the parentela is also susceptible to the wider criticism of Thatcher (1997) and Dowding (1995; 2001) that the policy network literature is unable to introduce causal dynamics in its models and distinguish between network features and network independent variables. This study, therefore, addresses both criticisms by studying the party-group-civil service relationship in Bulgaria, for the period 2013-2015, using 26 elite interviews and a number of cases. Results show that this particular policy network is still viable today. They support Yishai (1992) that hegemonic parties have no effect on parentela formation. The study demonstrates that the cooperation between ruling parties, in need of funds, and organised businesses (groups), in need of market advantage, produces the parentela. In a case study on construction tenders, the study demonstrates La Palombara’s parentela, by exposing the process of how ruling parties intervene in the civil service through political appointees to ensure construction projects are granted to their party insider groups. The study also discovers a new parentela dynamic, labelled as type 2 parentela, where the party intervention extends further to the free market by affecting party insider’s market competitors through prejudiced regulatory inspections that disrupt targeted businesses’ operations temporarily or altogether.