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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.

The Comparison of Authoritarian Corporatism in Taiwan and Indonesia

Hsiao, Ying-Lan 04 February 2002 (has links)
The study compares the use of authoritarian corporatism in Taiwan and Indonesia. The comparison is made for the purpose of obtaining a more balanced relation between the state and the society in these two countries. The adopted definitions of corporatism in the study are by Wiarda and Stepan. Wiarda defined corporatism as a system of social and political organization in which the major social and interest groups are all integrated into the government system. The integration is on a monopoly base so that the state can reach a balanced development by means of directions, protections, and control over these groups. Stepan divided corporatism into two kinds: exclusionary and inclusionary corporatism. Specifically, the study adopts the theory of exclusionary and focuses the comparison on the establishment and operation of trade union system. The research results of the study are as follows. First, both in Taiwan and Indonesia, the use of authoritarian corporatism has social and political backgrounds. The social background refers to the prevailing traditional values of Confucialism in Taiwan and Pancasila Industrial Relation in Indonesia. Both values systems place a premium on a harmonious and cooperative interaction between the employers and the labors. Therefore, the idea is denied that labors have the right to fight for their own benefits against the employers. Second, both Taiwan and Indonesia governments choose authoritarian corporatism as the tool to control the society. The choice is made not out of the need to moderate benefits of various social classes or to cope with economic crisis. Instead, it is for setting up functional, not competitive social organization systems. These organizations are the paths connecting different interest groups. At the same time, some organizations which are not favored by the state are kept from being formed. The participation in politics is limited to a certain scale. Such measure is considered preventive authoritarian corporatism. The application of the authoritarian corporatism makes the trade union systems both in Taiwan and Indonesia become the marginal parts of the political framework. It¡¦s hard then to have the labors own more rights. So the corporarism is also exclusionary authoritarian corporatism. The labor organization is naturally an expansion of the political control of the state over the labors. Third, it is found that under the framework of authoritarian corporatism, the operation of labor organizations varies according to the changing goals of state¡¦s development. However, there is a difference in the manner and extent of Taiwan¡¦s control over the operation from that of the Indonesia government. Taiwan government controls the operation in an active manner while the Indonesia government controls the operation in a passive manner. Fourth, at the end of authoritarian politics in Taiwan and in Indonesia, the demands for changes are appearing in both countries. It¡¦s inferred that there may appear inclusionary corporatism which will lead to a more balanced relation among the labors, the employers and the states both in Taiwan and Indonesia.

The limits of corporatism : The British experience

Vickerstaff, S. A. January 1984 (has links)
No description available.

Centralised curriculum planning in Ireland : the introduction of the Junior Certificate

Breathnach, Padraig N. January 1995 (has links)
No description available.

Public-private partnership and the politics of economic regeneration in Sheffield c.1985-1991

Strange, Ian Richard January 1993 (has links)
The thesis examines the emergence and operation of public-private partnership for economic regeneration in Sheffield since c1985. The argument advanced is that changes in approach to economic policy over this period were part of a process of economic and political restructuring and fragmentation in the local state. The original contribution of this research is that it offers a detailed insight into one aspect of this process - the development of local economic policy that drew on a range of institutional and individual actors, producing both formal and informal mechanisms for articulating this approach. The co-operative framework that emerged was one which allowed the local authority a key position in the mediation of local interests, but that also magnified business input into local economic policy. This framework produced a politics that was about how the partners established co-operation, sought to resolve conflicts, and develop a consensus package for the city's regeneration. Acknowledging the emergence of a system of fragmented government suggests the need to tie together some general theoretical insights about the process of restructuring with the experience of change in particular places. Several perspectives are considered, but the thesis focuses on local corporatism, growth coalition and regime theory. The thesis suggests that despite some limitations, coalition and regime theory are useful for developing our understanding of partnership in Sheffield. The thesis is divided into two main sections. Firstly, it discusses some theoretical and interpretive issues within the literature on local government restructuring. Secondly, the thesis analyses the empirical investigation into the development and operation of the partnership in what was its formative stage. It considers why cooperation developed around the issue of economic regeneration, how such co-operation worked in practice, and the degree to which it represented a realignment in the structures and mechanisms for coping with urban economic change.

The New Order in the New World: A Comparison of the Catholic Corporatist Movements in Brazil and Quebec (1931-1945)

de Lima Pontes, Clelio Ayrton January 2017 (has links)
This thesis is a comparative study of the Catholic corporatist movement in Brazil and Quebec between 1931 and 1945. It analyses how Catholic intellectuals in these countries adapted the Catholic social doctrine and Catholic corporatism to their distinct realities. The methodology pursued relies on contrasting the ideas expressed in the publications of the two main institutions to profess the Catholic corporatism in their societies, namely the Dom Vital Center (DVC) in Brazil and the École Sociale Populaire (ESP) in Quebec. This thesis begins by demonstrating that even before the publication of the encyclical Quadragesimo Anno, the ESP and of the DVC had already established a tradition of thought that relied on the influences of distinct Catholic intellectuals. Such influences are fundamental to understand how French Canadian Catholic corporatists developed a corporatist thought directed towards the development of union movements, while their Brazilian counterparts saw corporatism as a new form of state that would replace the institutions of the Old Republic. Furthermore, this thesis also aims to demonstrate how the distinct social and economic contexts of Brazil and Quebec influenced the Catholic corporatist models proposed by the ESP and the DVC. While the industrial context of Quebec led the ESP to focus on solving the issues related to the “social question”, the rural characteristics of Brazilian society led the DVC to dedicate their attention to countering the advances of political secularism. As a result, while Catholic corporatists in Brazil and Quebec followed the directives of the same papal encyclicals, they developed their corporatist ideas as solutions to distinct problems. Finally, this thesis also analyses how the ESP and the DVC adapted the Catholic criticisms of communism and liberalism to their realities and studies the roles that the Catholic right placed on corporatism in the development of their national identities.

A Study of the Impact of Political Development on the Emergence of Autonomous Labor Unions Since the End of the Martial Law in Taiwan

Hong, Shie-chen 22 January 2003 (has links)
According to the Theory of Political Development and Modernization, the process of democratic transition is stepping as follows: totalitarianism, authoritarianism, semi-democracy and democracy. It is believed that in the times of both Changes was a period of Authoritarianism. Due to the implementation of Martial Law, the freedom of people¡¦s assembling and party organizing were restricted. It was the period that only one party-K.M.T. governed the country. Obviously operation of the government was based on the profit of the party. Besides, going on strike was illegal because of martial law. After the end of martial law, peripheral labor unions are striving to lie themselves to the offending party or labor unions, in order to get the leadership of traditional unions. ¡@¡@¡@¡@It can be concluded that the end of martial law in 1987 was a clear cut of the development of Labor Union in Taiwan. Before it, the operation of Labor Union interfered with and manipulated by K.M.T, and was closely adjoined with the development of the nation. In view of the priority of foreign trade and economic growth, the role and the function of labor union had little opportunity to bring into play during the period. Not until the end of martial law, with the change of political and economic environments as well as the rise of various social movements, the independent labor union and other labor organizations outside the system weren¡¦t established. Gradually, these labor unions were aware of the rights of labor, and were more aggressive to fight for their benefits. Indeed, they were more active than before with the result that they and their functions, gained more attention from labors and the general public. ¡@¡@In the year of 2000, when D.P.P. replaced K.M.T. as the new government, the new leadership adopted the so-called Golden Mean Policy which included the freedom, democratization of labor organizations, and the establishment of the Committee of Labor Arbitration to deal with arguments between labors and administers, and the fulfillment of the industry owner by private. All these are different greatly from ¡§economic priority¡¨ and ¡§market mechanism¡¨ accented by K.M.T. To execute new labor policy, and according to The contemporary political and economic environment as well as the trend of future development, Council of Labor Affairs began to breed the new act of reforming Labor Union with the view of protecting the rights of labor and promoting the freedom and democratization of the operation of Labor Union. Therefore, the interaction of Taiwan¡¦s labor organizations and the government in the future are still under investigating.

The Social Welfare Policy of Singapore: An Analysis of State Corporatism

Huang, Tzu-Ting 31 December 2005 (has links)
Based on analyzing the macro and micro factors in Singapore¡¦s social welfare policy, this thesis proposes the frame work of ¡§state corporatism¡¨ to explain Singapore¡¦s social welfare policy. Since 1959 Singapore be independent from Britain, Lee Kuan Yew had led the PAP government in an authoritarian style and promoted a paternal social welfare. The core ideas of Singapore¡¦s social welfare policy, voluntarism and communitarianism, strongly related to the personal ideology of Lee Kuan Yew and the confucian society in Singapore. In the macro background of nation¡¦s level, we can divide the society into the subgroups as ethnic groups, opposition parties, class groups and voluntary welfare organizations (VWOs). These four groups worked through the four phrases in Singapore¡¦s social welfare policy : pre-corporatism period, exclusive corporatism period, inclusive corporatism period and extrinsic corporatism period. The whole presentation of Singapore¡¦s social welfare policy can be observed from their negotiation, interaction and bargaining with the government. This thesis conludes that the strategy of Singapore¡¦s social welfare policy is ¡§using greater quantity and quality of voluntarianism to fill up the retreat of state¡¨. Therefore in the history of Singapore¡¦s social welfare policy, when comparing to the other social groups, the extent of VWOs corporating with the government was much greater than the others and their influential power in social welfare policy during these four periods turned from weak to moderate, and strong eventually.

State-Society Relations in Mainland China:From the Case Study of Migrant Worker-Related NGOs

Chao, Su-cheng 16 June 2006 (has links)
This study examines the changing state-society relations in mainland China by exploring the relationships between NGOs and the state during the period of transition to a market economy. The NGOs discussed in this study are primarily concerned with migrant workers, because the issue of migrant workers is one of the toughest issues confronted by the Chinese government. Three different types of NGOs are examined: government-owned NGOs (GONGOs), such as trade associations and county NGOs; grass roots NGOs in the Pearl River Delta and Beijing; and the international NGOs that initiate various programs relevant to migrant workers in China. The author¡¦s analysis is that the Chinese government, influenced by the political context, tends to be suspicious of NGOs and subjects them to restrictive regulations. Given the asymmetric power between the government and the NGOs, state-society relations have developed into a form of state corporatism. It is noteworthy that features of a primary mode of civil society as identified by Charles Taylor have emerged, even though this civil society is far from being capable to counter the power of the state. Moreover, empirical evidence suggests that external factors such as international NGOs and transnational networks are involved in the shaping of state-society relations.

The Changes of China state and society relationship after economic reform 1978¢wtaking the development of the social group as examples

Huang, Tan-chi 21 August 2006 (has links)

The Forest for the Trees: Gifford Pinchot’s Principles of Conservation

Murray, Leslie M. 01 August 2018 (has links)
Gifford Pinchot’s principles of conservation embody the democratic principles of the United States and how those principles remain relevant today. The three central characteristics of Pinchot’s principles of conservation are wise use, avoiding waste, and securing the autonomy of democratic citizens by preventing monopolistic control over our natural resources. Pinchot’s aim place democratic aspirations at the fore. A case study of the environmental degradation revealed throughout the life-cycle of the cellular phone exhibits how Pinchot’s principles are not only relevant, but sorely needed today. Furthermore, this case study also reveals how globalized corporatism has become the antithesis of the democratic aims of the global citizenry. Pinchot’s principles advise us to check the global monopolies of multinational corporations and greed for greed’s sake to secure a democratic future for the most people, in perpetuity. Though his principles are often neglected, they are more relevant now than ever.

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