The aim of the thesis is to create a RBC model incorporating corrupting sector. The thesis contributes to the few existing DSGE models with corruption by introducing the corrupting sector into the sector of firms and political parties which is regarded as a sector of public procurements where firms bribe politicians for gaining public tenders. This setting is new and is supposed to catch better the phenomenon of political corruption. The model predicts that all shocks that positively affect the economy motivate firms to invest more into the bribes and vice versa. The increase of the overall level of corruption stimulates economy but is leading an economy to the instability. The model also examines the effect of various forms of fiscal spending in the households ' utility function. The model exhibits several non-intuitive results (too high portion of stolen money by firms, stimulation of the economic performance caused by higher corruption and negative holding of government bonds) that should be solved in next research.

The 2018 Value Added Tax (VAT) rate increase in South Africa is a significant event in that it was the first time since the advent of democracy in South Africa (1994) that the VAT rate had been raised. Located within the discipline of fiscal sociology, this study emphasises the developmental implications of fiscal policy choices. It problematises tax revenue mobilisation to meet growing spending requirements in South Africa. It looks at why, of the various fiscal and tax policy options available, the decision was made to raise the VAT rate. The mixed methods study provides a content analysis of literature obtained through a desk review and statistical analysis of a public opinion survey. By examining the underlying dynamics that influence fiscal policy decisions, it explains how fiscal and institutional factors and taxpayer culture interacted to bring about the decision to increase the VAT rate. It finds that policy decisions with large spending requirements can have an impact on fiscal policy decisions with implications for rights realisation. A conceptual framework specific to the South African context was developed as an output. Additionally, a revised conceptual framework for the determination of taxation was produced.

Magister Commercii - Mcom (Political Studies) / This thesis focuses on the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) of South Africa between 1998 and 2017, by looking at whether it acts as an independent institution and if it strengthens the quality of democracy in the country. The research addresses various sub-research questions such as, what is independence? What is a quality democracy? Is the NPA able to foster democratic accountability? It further assesses to which extent executive influence and leadership instability affect the independence of the NPA, by looking at the relationship between the executive – the state Presidents’ and government officials – and the NPA, over the years, in terms of the law practiced. And lastly, whether the role of ANC has affected the NPA. These questions arise out of my interest to understand the NPA in terms of its constitutional mandate and how it impacts democracy. The principal concepts used to date indicates that democracy comprises several procedural norms. These democratic norms – accountability, the constraint of executive power, the separation of powers, and the rule of law form the bases for my research study; while other integral factors include independence, state capture, and dominant party systems. The research methodology for this thesis incorporated qualitative research, a case study, and triangulation. The research also included interviews, with Advocate Shaun Abrahams, Dr Silas Ramaite, Advocate Vusi Pikoli, Advocate Glynnis Breytenbach, Mr Steven Swart, Mr Lawson Naidoo, Mr Paul Hoffman, Dr Jeff Rudin, Professor Lukas Muntingh, Professor Lovell Fernandez, Mr Gareth Newham, and Advocate Mike Pothier as the interviewees. The data analysis and synthesis suggest that the lack of oversight of the NPA alongside the political dominance of the ANC has allowed for an infiltration of political influence within the institution resulting in the selective prosecution of high-profile cases. The data highlights the blurring of lines as a result of state capture which has tainted the NPA’s independence. The importance of this research study lies in the relationship of the NPA and democracy, as an erosion of the NPA essentially correlates with the weakening of democracy. Therefore it is vital to protect our independent institutions, like the NPA, as they strengthen our democracy, assist in upholding the rule of law and the Constitution.

Magister Artium - MA / This thesis focuses on the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) of South Africa between 1998 and 2017, by looking at whether it acts as an independent institution and if it strengthens the quality of democracy in the country. The research addresses various sub-research questions such as, what is independence? What is a quality democracy? Is the NPA able to foster democratic accountability? It further assesses to which extent executive influence and leadership instability affect the independence of the NPA, by looking at the relationship between the executive – the state Presidents’ and government officials – and the NPA, over the years, in terms of the law practiced. And lastly, whether the role of ANC has affected the NPA. These questions arise out of my interest to understand the NPA in terms of its constitutional mandate and how it impacts democracy. The principal concepts used to date indicates that democracy comprises several procedural norms. These democratic norms – accountability, the constraint of executive power, the separation of powers, and the rule of law form the bases for my research study; while other integral factors include independence, state capture, and dominant party systems. The research methodology for this thesis incorporated qualitative research, a case study, and triangulation. The research also included interviews, with Advocate Shaun Abrahams, Dr Silas Ramaite, Advocate Vusi Pikoli, Advocate Glynnis Breytenbach, Mr Steven Swart, Mr Lawson Naidoo, Mr Paul Hoffman, Dr Jeff Rudin, Professor Lukas Muntingh, Professor Lovell Fernandez, Mr Gareth Newham, and Advocate Mike Pothier as the interviewees. The data analysis and synthesis suggest that the lack of oversight of the NPA alongside the political dominance of the ANC has allowed for an infiltration of political influence within the institution resulting in the selective prosecution of high-profile cases. The data highlights the blurring of lines as a result of state capture which has tainted the NPA’s independence. The importance of this research study lies in the relationship of the NPA and democracy, as an erosion of the NPA essentially correlates with the weakening of democracy. Therefore it is vital to protect our independent institutions, like the NPA, as they strengthen our democracy, assist in upholding the rule of law and the Constitution.

Anonymous Companies and Public Procurement: Evidence from the Czech Republic Abstract This thesis follows up on previous research concerning inefficiencies linked to tenders awarded to anonymous companies. After anonymous shares were abolished in 2014, the question is whether similar inefficiencies can be detected in the case of companies that ceased to be anonymous. A balanced sample of formerly anonymous companies and their comparable peers was constructed via a matching algorithm. A Welch unequal variance t-test was then used to check whether a disproportionate drop in selected performance indicators and in the share of formerly anonymous companies on total volume of public procurement can be detected. A linear regression model was further applied to inquire about the effect of anonymity and former anonymity on tender-specific savings. The results show that anonymity significantly contributes to lower tender savings, but no similar negative effect can be found in case of formerly anonymous companies. Profitability of the formerly anonymous companies also decreased, but no long- term drop in tender volume was found, indicating that a large portion of the inefficiencies can be traced back to well-established businesses rather than special purpose shells. This thesis thus extends the present research in the...

Magister Commercii - MCom / This thesis focuses on the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) of South Africa between 1998 and 2017, by looking at whether it acts as an independent institution and if it strengthens the quality of democracy in the country. The research addresses various sub-research questions such as, what is independence? What is a quality democracy? Is the NPA able to foster democratic accountability? It further assesses to which extent executive influence and leadership instability affect the independence of the NPA, by looking at the relationship between the executive – the state Presidents’ and government officials – and the NPA, over the years, in terms of the law practiced. And lastly, whether the role of ANC has affected the NPA. These questions arise out of my interest to understand the NPA in terms of its constitutional mandate and how it impacts democracy. The principal concepts used to date indicates that democracy comprises several procedural norms. These democratic norms – accountability, the constraint of executive power, the separation of powers, and the rule of law form the bases for my research study; while other integral factors include independence, state capture, and dominant party systems. The research methodology for this thesis incorporated qualitative research, a case study, and triangulation. The research also included interviews, with Advocate Shaun Abrahams, Dr Silas Ramaite, Advocate Vusi Pikoli, Advocate Glynnis Breytenbach, Mr Steven Swart, Mr Lawson Naidoo, Mr Paul Hoffman, Dr Jeff Rudin, Professor Lukas Muntingh, Professor Lovell Fernandez, Mr Gareth Newham, and Advocate Mike Pothier as the interviewees. The data analysis and synthesis suggest that the lack of oversight of the NPA alongside the political dominance of the ANC has allowed for an infiltration of political influence within the institution resulting in the selective prosecution of high-profile cases. The data highlights the blurring of lines as a result of state capture which has tainted the NPA’s independence. The importance of this research study lies in the relationship of the NPA and democracy, as an erosion of the NPA essentially correlates with the weakening of democracy. Therefore it is vital to protect our independent institutions, like the NPA, as they strengthen our democracy, assist in upholding the rule of law and the Constitution.

The thesis deals with state-owned enterprises and their potential for corruption. In the first chapter is characterized corruption in the Czech Republic in the context of social, economic and political changes in the end of the twentieth century. This section also contains typology of corruption from Rasma Karklins, which is also the methodological basis of this work. The second part focuses on the characteristics of state-owned enterprises, and also on internal and external control mechanisms, which should reduce their potential for corruption. The third chapter presents in detail the processes and results of legislative changes in recent years, regarding the increase of external control mechanisms of state-owned enterprises.

The shapes of political pressure and the lobby appear as important tools for the private interestmanagement in the contemporary democracies This article displays a plot of actions of lobby at the Peruvian parliament and the role of building networks at the political arena in which the collision with other interests is avoid Thus, the lobby appears to be effective on issues that are out of the agenda of the public-media debate, issues of high specialization, or those that are not of interest of the party blocs (but represent a huge volume of legislative initiatives) / Las formas de presión política y el lobby aparecen como herramientas importantes para la gestión de intereses privados en las democracias contemporáneas Este artículo muestra una parcela de las acciones del lobby en el parlamento peruano y la función de construcción de redes en una arena política en la que se evita la colisión con otros intereses Así, el lobby aparece con eficacia en los temas que están fuera de la agenda del debate público-mediático, temas de alta especialización, o aquellos que no revisten interés de las bancadas (pero que representan un enorme volumen de iniciativas legislativas) / As formas da pressão política e o lobby aparecem como ferramentas importantes para a gestão dos interesses privados nas democracias contemporâneas Este artigo mostra uma parcela de ações do lobby no parlamento peruano e a função da construção das redes num cenário político, na que evita a colisão com outros interesses Assim, o lobby aparece com eficácia nos temas que estão fora da agenda do debate público midiático, tópicos de maior especialização, ou aqueles que não têm interesse das bancadas (mas representam um volumem muito grande de iniciativas legislativas)

Politically connected firms may extract rent which significantly improves their financial performance, but with social costs to others in form of market distortions. The thesis presents the first empirical analysis of personal political connections to government ministers in the Czech Republic. We estimated value of political connections and inspected subsidies and public procurements allocation as channels of rent extraction on firm-level data set of 1993-2015 period. For both approaches, cross-section regressions and dynamic matching on covariates and propensity score, we found that connected firms significantly underperform their similar rivals, but slightly improve their performance over the time of connection to minister in office. Connected firms gain significantly more subsidies which confirms subsidy allocation as a channel of rent extraction. We interpret our results that firms may seek political connections as the last option how to improve their bad financial results and remain on the market. Biased subsidy allocation to connected firms in sectors where firms are dependent on subsidies like agriculture creates market distortions and could lead to significant consumer harm.

The present work aspires to provide a comprehensive analysis of the policy developments through which European-level prescriptions regarding the liberalization of national electricity markets have been accommodated within the domestic policy contexts of two new member states of the European Union: Bulgaria and Czech Republic. Despite being subjected to uniform demands, adaptation to community regulatory provisions in the two countries has prompted divergent patterns of policy change, resulting in full compliance in the Czech Republic and a failure to meet EU objectives in Bulgaria. In order to address the observed inconsistency the envisaged research identifies a causal link between the outcomes of regulatory compliance and the influence of utility regulation as a sector-specific EU governance pattern on the dynamics of resource re-distribution at the domestic level. A major concern of the research is how contextual factors, such as incumbent power balances across actor populations in the target policy area condition the impacts of EU inputs on domestic policy decisions. In this respect the work hypothesizes that due to transition "sediments" in the new EU member states external rules may be selectively applied in order to match the existing realities and lead to outcomes that diverge from the...