<p>In this thesis we investigate gendered dimensions of the war in the former Yugoslavia. We do this with the help of gender theory, as well as theories about the construction of identities and the role of the identity aspect in contemporary warfare. By combining these theoretical points of departure we hope to shed light on how gender can be used by political and military leaders and by the media in times of war. We explore how underlying gender assumptions in the Yugoslav society affected the course of war as well as how gender relations were altered just before and during the war.</p><p>We come to the conclusion that gender was central to the construction of collective identity in the Yugoslav wars. Women were pushed in to traditional gender roles and constructed as carriers of culture and mothers of the nation. Further the symbolic values associated with women made them vulnerable to sexual violence, since an attack against enemy women were considered to be an attack on the entire nation. The intersections between gender and identity aspects in the Yugoslav wars made women strategic targets of military violence.</p>

<p>Friluftsdagar är ett inslag i skolans verksamhet som ofta förknippas med fysisk aktivitet. Dessa friluftsdagar förekommer som ett visst antal halv- eller heldagar per läsår och antalet dagar varierar mellan skolorna. Friluftsdagarna är sedan Lpo -94 inte statligt reglerade utan det är upp till rektor på varje skola att besluta om förekomsten av dessa dagar. Friluftsdagar har en lång historia och syftet med dagarna har förändrats över tid. Idag kan man dock skönja att fokus ligger på hälsa och miljö.</p><p>Vår uppsats beskriver friluftsdagarnas utveckling kopplat till Bo Rothsteins teori om förhållandet mellan samhälleliga normer och politiska institutioner. Vi problematiserar friluftsdagarna och söker samband mellan statens intentioner och friluftsdagarnas syfte.</p><p> </p><p>Folkhälsofrågan klättrar allt högre upp på den politiska dagordningen och man kan se en tydlig brytpunkt då staten tar till sig folkhälsofrågan och bildar statens folkhälsoinstitut. Statens folkhälsoinstitut arbetar idag utifrån det nationella folkhälsomålet <em>att skapa samhälleliga förutsättningar för en god hälsa på lika villkor för hela befolkningen</em>. Detta övergripande mål har brutits ned i 11 delmål och skolan har getts ansvar att arbeta särskilt med 6 av dessa mål. Regeringen talar idag om den hälsofrämjande skolan och pekar på att hela skolans verksamhet ska genomsyras av en hälsotanke.</p><p> </p><p>Folkhälsofrågan får allt större fokus då staten beslutar att det är en viktig fråga och börjar arbeta aktivt med den. Trots detta, minskar friluftsdagarna i antal, vilket flera organisationer reagerar på. Minskningen av friluftsdagar väcker frågor, då friluftsdagarna många gånger symboliserar mer än en dag utanför skolans byggnad. Det är idag en lärodag där hälso- och miljöfrågor tas upp och lärs ut.</p>

<p>The aim and purpose of the following study is twofold. The first part aims at clarifying different models of migration policy available within research of political science. The second part of the study applies the identified models onto an analysis of the official report ”Integrationens svarta bok” and the suggestions the reports presents. The findings of the study are multiple. Amongst other facts we identify a lack of consistently maintaining within the frames of one model, as well as a deficit of consistent usage of rhetoric. It is evident that the conceptions within the report and the report itself do not cohere with the conceptions and the theory of the models. Consequently we argue that the suggestions do not bring about a change in the hierarchical structures that divide and characterize the Swedish society of today. In many cases it is likely that the suggested changes will preserve and enhance these structures.</p>

<p>Drawing on a neo-Gramscian conception of global civil society as a sphere where world order is ideologically sustained and contested, this paper examines the extent to which the idea of a human right to food serves to challenge neoliberal globalization or is incorporated into its ideational underpinnings. Through a focus on the negotiations of a set of Voluntary Guidelines to Support the Progressive Realization of the Right to Adequate Food in the Context of National Food Security, a discursive struggle over the meaning of the "right to food" is analyzed. On the one hand, the articulation of food as a fundamental right politicizes the "problem" of hunger, casts critical light on the global restructuring of production and subjects the market to the primacy of human rights. On the other hand, the "right to food" as negotiated in the Guidelines process – with its human rights content largely suppressed, recast as a policy goal and molded into a policy approach – is neutralized as a challenge and brought into conformity with the neoliberal project of globalization. Relating these findings back to the force field of contesting globalization from below and co-opting such resistance from above, this study ends with reflections on the limits and possibilities of human rights discourse as part of a counter-hegemonic strategy.</p>

<p>In the Swedish general election of 2006, the citizens were faced with the fact that there were two parties that called themselves a <em>“workers´ party”</em>. It was not just the Social-Democratic Party, which we usually identify as a traditional workers´ party, it was also the Moderate Coalition Party, which we usually identify as a traditional conservative party, which during this suffrage also called them self the<em> </em>“<em>new</em> moderates”. The central and the main election pledge for the<em> new</em> moderates took its standpoint in the idea that everybody should have a job. This was also the main reason why they called them self a <em>workers´ party</em>. But is that enough for illustrating a party as a <em>workers´ party,</em> considering for example, that it should be in every parties obligation and responsibility to contribute to a policy that is shaped in a way, that as far as possible conduce to that every single member of the society has a job.</p><p>Are there perhaps other values and recommendations to take in consider justifying the use of the epithet <em>“workers´ party</em>”, other than the idea that everybody should have a job? The purpose with this essay is to describe, compare and analyse four newspapers, as they have a key role as spokesmen for political parties’ opinions to the citizens, and how they framed these two parties as <em>workers´ parties. </em>For this purpose I have used and analyzed <em>Aftonbladet, Dala-Demokraten,</em> (social-democratic) and <em>Svenska Dagbladet</em> and <em>Norrköpings Tidningar</em> (conservative) by using a theory called the <em>framing theory</em>. This theory focus on how media select some aspects of a perceived reality, and make them more salient in their published communicating text, with the purpose to promote a particular point of view instead of others.</p>

<p>This essay is a case study about the Swedish Armed Forces during the years 1988-2004; when it transformed from a force constructed to meet an invasion, to an international force with the primary mission to help subdue conflicts around the world. The essay uses texts and documents to examine what happened between these years and to find out what drove that change.</p><p>By asking the questions A) ”What happened between the years 1988-2004?” and B) ”What is the difference between the Armed Forces in 1988 and in 2004?”, it is possible to also ask C)</p><p>”Why did the Swedish Armed Forces change?”.</p><p>The essay is divided into three main parts; 1) a theory-part focused on three main theories of international relations: liberalism, realism, and constructivism, 2) a historical case study examining the evolvement of the Armed Forces during these years, and 3) a conclusions section that uses thethree theories of international relations to examine why this change happened.</p><p>In examining the historical period and making conclusions about the differences between these years it was also necessary to construct a scale of military power, on which the historical case study is based.</p>

<p>Several previous studies have in different ways tried to explain how new social movements are affected by the different sets of political and social contexts within different states and societies. This essay asks the question how much the institutional aspects within the theory of Political Opportunity Structures (POS) have determined how the rather successful animal rights movements in the Netherlands and Great Britain have mobilized and acted to gain progress. Since the Netherlands and Great Britain contains different kinds of political and institutional contexts, these two states are found to be suitable for a comparative analysis of the theory's durability. A qualitative portrayal of both state's institutional political opportunity structures are presented. Then the mobilization, progress, and actions of the political party “Party for the Animals” in the Netherlands, and a wide group of animal rights organisations in Great Britain are determined. What is found is that the open political system in the Netherlands according to the theory shaped the national animal rights movement to mobilize as a political party and only use conventional means to gain progress. What is also found is that the closed political system of Great Britain according to the theory probably shaped the national animal rights movement into mobilizing itself into a wide range of animal rights organisations that use a lot of confrontational strategies to gain political progress. The conclusion being that institutional political opportunity structures that determine whether a state has an open or closed political system proved its durability in the cases of the animal rights movements in the Netherlands and Great Britain.</p>

<p>The purpose of this paper is to study the subject Islam and Democracy and see what</p><p>commonalities exist between the two ideas and traditions of thoughts. The subject is topical</p><p>and often highlighted by the media in the West. The Islamic voices that we hear today is</p><p>certainly not democratic, given the violence and hatred carried out by Islamic extremists</p><p>against the West. The investigation of this paper have shown a different direction when there</p><p>are other voices such as those investigated reformist thinkers who argue that Islam has many</p><p>democratic elements, and even that Islam is more suitable than democracy. According to the</p><p>reformists is</p><p>model of an Islamic state is democratic and legitimate. The research is based on a</p><p>comprehensive overview of Islam, Sharia Law, the development of political Islam and the</p><p>reformers</p><p>by the reformers and advocates for the theoretical point of democracy</p><p>many democratic elements exist in the reformers islamic modell</p><p>and traditions of thought. </p><p>the <em>sovereignity of god more suitable than <em>sovereignty of the people. Governancevision of an Islamic state. The conclusion shows a comparison between the Islamic modeland the result shows that. Democracy works with different ideass such as socialism, liberalism, conservatism, etc., so why should it</em></em></p><p>not be possible to reconcile Islam and democracy?</p>

No description available.

No description available.