The aim of this thesis is to study Iranian women's struggle against the mandatory veil, based on Nancy Fraser's (1990) theory on subaltern counterpublics and Mia Lövheim's (2012) use of Stig Hjarvard’s theory on mediatization of religion. Specifically, how the Iranian-exile Masih Alinejad's Twitter can be seen as an alternative sphere in which she creates a mediatized subaltern counterpublic for marginalized women. The research questions are as follows:(1) How is Iran and the compulsory hijab portrayed in the selected material? (2) Can this portrayal be seen as a mediatized subaltern counterpublic? The material consists of 100 tweets from the campaign #WhiteWednesdays. By using a qualitative method with an abductive approach, I found four themes in the material. Research question (1) showed that Iran is portrayed as a stratified society where men are superior to women and that the public sphere constitutes problems regarding women's rights. The mandatory veil is presented as the most visible symbol of gender apartheid and religious dictatorship. Research question (2)showed that, based on subaltern counterpublics and mediatization, societies (especially with religious authority) exclude women from speaking in authorized discourse, which contributes to a search for alternative spheres. The study’s chosen theories proved to be a good fit for capturing, describing and explaining how Alinejad creates a mediatized subaltern counterpublic - via new digital media - for marginalized women whom have been excluded from the authorized and official capacity of the country. The results further showed how Alinejad participated in the mediated public sphere as an independent agent who engaged in religious issues from a position of authority. She continues to use the #WhiteWednesdays campaign as a space to perform activism against the regime's veil policy.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work / Spencer Wood / In this study, I investigate UndocuQueer activists and their use of social media as one type of subaltern counterpublic. Subaltern counterpublics are spaces marginalized communities forge to center their voices and experiences. These counterpublics represent aggregations of emancipatory agency and stand as responses to their exclusion or marginalization by the dominant public sphere. UndocuQueer activists strategically engage in the public sphere using social media because it grants them momentum and brings national attention to their agenda. In this research, I use an interdisciplinary and intersectional approach to understand the UndocuQueer social movement. The guiding research questions were: 1) How do UndocuQueer activists create subaltern counterpublics? 2) How do UndocuQueer activists present their multiple and complex identities on Twitter? Using critical discourse analysis of Twitter, I coded and analyzed over 600 tweets. To further this analysis, I used critical Xicana feminist standpoint to gather three testimonios of UndocuQueer activists. The major findings are of this project are: 1) the UndocuQueer subaltern counterpublic formed through the state’s anti-immigrant policies and the public sphere’s marginalizations and misrepresentations. 2) the UndocuQueer community forged an intersectional subaltern counterpublic online through their lived experiences as undocumented and queer. 3) the undocu-movements: UndocuQueer, UndocuTrans, UndocuBlack, UndocuAPI, and UndocuSolidarity operate coalitionally; thus, I call this a coalitional intersectional subaltern counterpublic. 4) the UndocuQueer activists use social media for community, expression and support of art, and organizing. 5) Lastly, UndocuQueer activists engage in multiple forms of activism via social media, such as participating in marches and civil disobedience and sharing events, workshops, petitions, and donation pages. Overall, this study provides a rich description of how marginalized communities, especially those of the UndocuQueer community, have great agency despite their precarious situation: a counter narrative that is usually unexposed. This project finds how the UndocuQueer community face multiple marginalizations and exclusions from the state through its anti-immigrant policies, the public sphere through its misrepresentations in the media, from LGBTQ communities and organizations, and from Latinx and immigrant communities. I show how the UndocuQueer’s intersectional and coalitional subaltern counterpublic forged online as a safe haven for themselves and to engage with the public sphere. With this information, we have find better ways to be their allies, support them, and listen to their calls to action.

This paper seeks to understand how the communicative practices of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) that advocate for women’s and LGBTIQ+ rights in the Philippines evolve as they advance the interests of the subaltern. Through two case studies of CSOs working with women’s and LGBTIQ+ rights, respectively, it identifies and discusses the communicative practices, including new media and Information and Communication Technologies (ICT), that were adopted as the CSOs managed their organisational priorities and finances and navigated the oppressed contexts of the subalterns that they represent. The findings from the two case studies affirm that communicative practices adopted by CSOs are determined by their organisational objectives, organisational structure, and finances. Moreover, new media and ICT, such as social media, have proven useful, affordable, and easily accessible tools for both CSOs to reach and engage with their respective audiences. With the formation of the CSOs informed by the struggles and experiences of the subalterns they represent, their actions and communicative practices put the subalterns at the centre. For the subalterns to speak, they require alternative spaces to be safe to air their concerns and strategise to engage the public sphere. This is a role that the CSOs, which act as subaltern counterpublics, play. This also helps prepare the CSOs to build alliances, opening spaces for dialogue and advocacy for social change. These all contribute to making the demands of the subaltern heard.