Thesis (Ph. D. (Ichthyology & Fisheries Science))--Rhodes University, 2004.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2004. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 247-261). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

Thesis (M.M.S.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2003. / Bibliography: leaves 79-82.

Masters (M.Sc.)--University of Sydney, 2006. / Title from title screen (viewed 27 February 2007). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science to the School of Geosciences. Includes bibliographical references. Also issued in print.

Thesis (M.M.S.), Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1999. / Bibliography: leaves 52-53.

Thesis (M.A.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1997. / Bibliography: leaves 214-221.

The Sustainable Seafood Movement's "theory of change" is predicated on using markets to improve the supply of, demand for and governance of sustainable fisheries. Over four articles, this thesis will examine the implications of this approach. Article I evaluates the cultural model of seafood eco-labelling and demonstrates that while the theory of using market demand to motivate fishery improvements has been a powerful incentive, consumers have had a minimal role in incentivising that change. This is validated through semi-structured consumer interviews and structured surveys (n=196), which indicate consumers' general understanding of sustainability issues. Article II examines the roles of actors in the Sustainable Seafood Movement in facilitating the growth of sustainable seafood products in the supply chain, thus explaining how in the absence of large consumer demand, certified sustainable seafood product offerings have continued to grow. Article III examines the private governance mechanisms that the Sustainable Seafood Movement has established in the supply chain and how these are rivalling, complementing and substituting those of state-led fisheries governance mechanisms. At the same time both private and public governance mechanisms continue to monopolise certain spaces, such as flag state authority. Greater coordination between these two governance systems is needed to facilitate additional sustainability gains and strengthen the resilience of these governance systems. When public and private governance efforts to improve the supply, demand and governance of sustainable seafood are looked as whole, as in Article IV, it is evident that consumers/citizens are minimally engaged. Lack of consumer/citizen engagement could lead to an undervaluing of these governance systems by society. Civic engagement organizations are needed to bridge these systems and facilitate citizen/consumer/steward engagement. Public accountability mechanisms are one means to better engage the public in both governance systems, so that sustainable fisheries are realised by collective engagement of all actors.

Marine plastics are not just a problem, they are a silent, sinister epidemic. Marine plastics are the largest economic and ecological threat to our marine ecosystems, particularly marine plastics derived from lost and or discarded fishing gear, which affects sensitive marine communities, the chemical composition of the ocean water, and the physical makeup of the seafloor. With 6.4 million tons of marine debris entering our oceans annually, a third of which is lost fishing gear, it is estimated that, by weight, in 2050 there will be an accumulation of more plastic than fish in the ocean (Heath, 2018; Wilcox, 2015). Marine litter derived from plastic fishing gear, primarily passive gear, when lost in the ocean causes a series of consequences to the marine ecosystem, that of which increases when there are high concentrations of fishing activity in the geographic area. Arctic countries have some of the most abundant fisheries, that of which is projected to increase due to anthropogenic climate change. In the context of climate change affecting the Arctic ecosystem, in this thesis, we will review the consequences of plastics derived from fishing gear for the Arctic marine ecosystem, estimate the potential influx of derelict gear plastics originating from data obtained in Alaska and Iceland, and then confidently present effective forms of remediation, prevention, and mitigation strategized from models of sustainable fisheries to resolve the ramifications of lost and or discarded gear in Arctic communities.

Anecdotal information indicates a resistance to change from federal fish hatchery staff regarding environmentally sustainable infrastructure renewal and hatchery operations. Qualitative research was conducted to investigate this phenomenon, using face-to-face interviews with nine hatchery staff across British Columbia. The interviews were audiotaped and transcribed verbatim, and participants‘ responses remained confidential, due to the relatively small hatchery community. Responses were grouped under two headings, Barriers to Change and Embracing Change, and four distinct themes emerged: Governance, Benefits, Education and Research, and Culture and Personal Beliefs. Barriers to change related to governance emerged as the dominant theme during interviews. This research examines the culture of hatcheries and their perceived governance structure, identifies barriers to implementing change, and makes recommendations to foster effective governance. Characterizing hatchery staff responses to change is a significant step in moving towards environmentally sustainable infrastructure renewal and environmentally sustainable program operations.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Wollongong, 2008. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references: p. 401-424.