The dissertation investigates syntactic and semantic aspects of the indefinite pronoun system in Modern Hebrew and consists of an experimental part and a theoretical part. The experimental part presents the grammaticality judgment task conducted to test three theoretical questions: (1) the relation between negation and the licensing of AF `any' and KOL `any'; (2) the contrast between EYZE `some' and EYZESEHU `some' in terms of specificity; and (3) the correlation between syntactic position and free choice readings. Three main theoretical findings are contributed by this work. First, it is shown that from a typological viewpoint, Hebrew, a Semitic language, patterns with Romance and Germanic languages, rather than Japanese-type languages, in having indefinite pronouns specialized for particular operators available in the discourse. Second, the thesis proposes a novel unified syntax-semantics for KOL which accounts for its interpretational variability. Working with the Kratzer and Shimoyama (2002) framework where indefinite pronouns generate sets of individual alternatives, the semantics of a KOL--modified noun phrase is formalized as a variable and containing a restriction. When this restriction ranges over kinds, KOL receives a generic reading; when the restriction is over a contextually specified set of entities, KOL has an episodic reading. In these cases, the KOL--phrase moves to the argument position of a universal quantifier which binds the individual alternatives generated by the KOL--phrase. If KOL stays in situ, the individual alternatives are allowed to expand into propositional alternatives, resulting in the free choice reading. Third, I discuss the DP-internal structure of [eyze(N)se-hu (N)] and [(N) kol(N)se-hu], treating 'se-hu' as a CP. I propose that there is a correlation between the postnominal position and the free choice readings of these pronouns, suggesting that domain restrictions, usually derived in the semantics-pragmatics, may also be encoded in the syntax. If this hypothesis is on the right track, it could provide us with a better understanding of how and when in the process of language acquisition domain restrictions found with indefinite pronouns are acquired.

The dissertation investigates syntactic and semantic aspects of the indefinite pronoun system in Modern Hebrew and consists of an experimental part and a theoretical part. The experimental part presents the grammaticality judgment task conducted to test three theoretical questions: (1) the relation between negation and the licensing of AF `any' and KOL `any'; (2) the contrast between EYZE `some' and EYZESEHU `some' in terms of specificity; and (3) the correlation between syntactic position and free choice readings. Three main theoretical findings are contributed by this work. First, it is shown that from a typological viewpoint, Hebrew, a Semitic language, patterns with Romance and Germanic languages, rather than Japanese-type languages, in having indefinite pronouns specialized for particular operators available in the discourse. Second, the thesis proposes a novel unified syntax-semantics for KOL which accounts for its interpretational variability. Working with the Kratzer and Shimoyama (2002) framework where indefinite pronouns generate sets of individual alternatives, the semantics of a KOL--modified noun phrase is formalized as a variable and containing a restriction. When this restriction ranges over kinds, KOL receives a generic reading; when the restriction is over a contextually specified set of entities, KOL has an episodic reading. In these cases, the KOL--phrase moves to the argument position of a universal quantifier which binds the individual alternatives generated by the KOL--phrase. If KOL stays in situ, the individual alternatives are allowed to expand into propositional alternatives, resulting in the free choice reading. Third, I discuss the DP-internal structure of [eyze(N)se-hu (N)] and [(N) kol(N)se-hu], treating 'se-hu' as a CP. I propose that there is a correlation between the postnominal position and the free choice readings of these pronouns, suggesting that domain restrictions, usually derived in the semantics-pragmatics, may also be encoded in the syntax. If this hypothesis is on the right track, it could provide us with a better understanding of how and when in the process of language acquisition domain restrictions found with indefinite pronouns are acquired.

The dissertation investigates syntactic and semantic aspects of the indefinite pronoun system in Modern Hebrew and consists of an experimental part and a theoretical part. The experimental part presents the grammaticality judgment task conducted to test three theoretical questions: (1) the relation between negation and the licensing of AF `any' and KOL `any'; (2) the contrast between EYZE `some' and EYZESEHU `some' in terms of specificity; and (3) the correlation between syntactic position and free choice readings. Three main theoretical findings are contributed by this work. First, it is shown that from a typological viewpoint, Hebrew, a Semitic language, patterns with Romance and Germanic languages, rather than Japanese-type languages, in having indefinite pronouns specialized for particular operators available in the discourse. Second, the thesis proposes a novel unified syntax-semantics for KOL which accounts for its interpretational variability. Working with the Kratzer and Shimoyama (2002) framework where indefinite pronouns generate sets of individual alternatives, the semantics of a KOL--modified noun phrase is formalized as a variable and containing a restriction. When this restriction ranges over kinds, KOL receives a generic reading; when the restriction is over a contextually specified set of entities, KOL has an episodic reading. In these cases, the KOL--phrase moves to the argument position of a universal quantifier which binds the individual alternatives generated by the KOL--phrase. If KOL stays in situ, the individual alternatives are allowed to expand into propositional alternatives, resulting in the free choice reading. Third, I discuss the DP-internal structure of [eyze(N)se-hu (N)] and [(N) kol(N)se-hu], treating 'se-hu' as a CP. I propose that there is a correlation between the postnominal position and the free choice readings of these pronouns, suggesting that domain restrictions, usually derived in the semantics-pragmatics, may also be encoded in the syntax. If this hypothesis is on the right track, it could provide us with a better understanding of how and when in the process of language acquisition domain restrictions found with indefinite pronouns are acquired.

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京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(文学) / 甲第21492号 / 文博第797号 / 新制||文||673(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院文学研究科行動文化学専攻 / (主査)准教授 千田 俊太郎, 教授 吉田 和彦, 教授 吉田 豊, 教授 加藤 昌彦 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Letters / Kyoto University / DGAM

<p>This study examines the interpretation and production of inalienable possession among heritage speakers and L2 learners of Spanish. Inalienable possession lies at the syntax-semantics interface and has previously been found to be challenging among bilingual populations (Giancaspro & Sánchez, 2019; Montrul & Ionin, 2010, 2012; Pérez-Leroux et al., 2002). In particular, this study explores the extent to which Spanish heritage speakers and L2 learners exhibit knowledge of Spanish inalienable possession with pronominal verbs requiring the use of the clitic <i>se</i>. Results from an Elicited Production Task and a Contextualized Preference Task administered online showed that the L2 learners followed a distinct pattern of response compared to the native speakers in the production and interpretation of inalienable possession. This pattern was characterized by the preference of possessive determiners over definite determiners. Heritage speakers, on the contrary, were not found to differ from the native speakers of Spanish. They behaved similarly to the control group as they followed the continuum that emerged for inalienable possession. That is, both groups were more accepting of definite determiners, while they showed less preference for structures with possessive determiners. The findings are discussed in terms of current debates on the role of factors involved in language acquisition such as maturational issues, learning experience, patterns of language exposure and usage, cross-linguistic influence, and the grammatical structure itself.</p>

Das theoretische Konstrukt der individuellen Curricula von Lehrkräften, operationalisiert mit Hilfe des Forschungsprogramms Subjektive Theorien (FST), wurde für die Untersuchung der individuellen Konzepte von Lehrkräften im Bereich der Algebra der Klassenstufen 7 und 8 mit dem Ziel ihre Unterrichts- und Planungsentscheidungen im Algebraunterricht nachzuvollziehen und zu verstehen und damit einen Einblick in den realen Unterrichtsalltag zu erhalten, genutzt. Untersucht wurden neun Gymnasiallehrkräfte mit Hilfe einer Interviewstudie. Weiterhin wurden die Resultate der einzelnen Fallstudien gegeneinander kontrastiert und es konnten drei Typen individueller Algebracurricula entwickelt werden. Die Ergebnisse zeigten beispielsweise, dass ein Hauptproblem für die Lehrkräfte darin besteht, dass sie in ihrem Algebraunterricht die syntaktischen und semantischen Elemente der Algebra eher voneinander trennen und dabei für sie die Frage auftaucht, in welchem Verhältnis diese unterrichtet werden sollten. Ein Vergleich der vorliegenden Untersuchung mit bestehenden Untersuchungen in den Bereichen Stochastik, Geometrie und der Analysis untermauert den Verdacht der Domänenspezifität individueller Curricula.

<p>U ovom istraţivanju bavimo se kategorijom koncesivnosti u francuskom, italijanskom i srpskom jeziku. Ovoj kategoriji pristupamo sa stanovi&scaron;ta sintakse i semantike: utvrĊujemo inventar formalnih sredstava i sintakstiĉkih postupaka kojima se koncesivnost formalizuje u posmatranim jezicima, a pritom analiziramo i semantiĉki sadrţaj tih struktura. Cilj ove studije jeste da se najpre ustanove razliĉiti postupci izraţavanja koncesivnosti na svim sintaksiĉkim nivoima, a zatim, u skladu sa kontrastivnim pristupom, da se utvrde i sistematizuju strukturne podudarnosti i nepodudarnosti u francuskom, italijanskom i srpskom jeziku, kao i da se utvrdi stemen semantiĉke ekvivalencije izmeĊu njih. Na teorijskom planu, rezultati ovog istraţivanja objedinjuju postojeća lingvistiĉka saznanja o ovoj problematici, a na praktiĉnom planu moguća je njihova primena u nastavi francuskog i italijanskog jezika kao stranih jezika, kao i u prevodilaĉkoj praksi.<br />GraĊa za ovo istraţivanje ekscerpirana je iz dela napisanih na francuskom jeziku, i njihovih objavljenih prevoda na italijanski i srpski jezik.<br />U prvom delu rada daje se pregled teorijskih stavova francuskih, italijanskih i srpskih lingvista o kategoriji koncesivnosti, kao i o njenom odnosu sa drugim semantiĉkim kategorijama, pre svega sa kategorijom kauzalnosti. U drugom delu rada navodi se inventar konstrukcija i leksiĉkih sredstava kojima se koncesivnost iskazuje u tri posmatrana jezika. Pri tom se pravi poseban osvrt na upotrebu glagolskih naĉina u zavisnim koncesivnim reĉenicama. Centralni deo rada predstavlja deo u kome se ustanovljeni inventar analizira na primerima iz korpusa. Pri tom se posebna paţnja posvećuje onim sredstvima za koja korpus beleţi upotrebe koje do sada nisu zabeleţene u literaturi. Zakljuĉna razmatranja sistematizuju dobijene rezultate, i ukazuju na mogućnosti daljih istraţivanja u ovom domenu.</p> / <p>This research deals with the category of concessionality in French, Italian and Serbian. This category is approached from the point of view of syntax and semantics: the research establishes the inventory of formal means and syntactic procedures by which concessionality is formalized in the languages being analyzed, while the semantic content of these structures is also analyzed in the process. The goal of this study is to first identify various procedures for expressing concessionality at all syntactic levels and then, in accordance with the contrastive approach, to determine and systematize the structural congruences and incongruences in French, Italian and Serbian, as well as to determine the level of semantic equivalence among them. At the theoretical level, the results of this study merge the existing linguistic knowledge on this issue, while at a practical level they enable its application in teaching French and Italian as foreign languages, as well as in doing professional translation.<br />The corpus for this research was complied from literary titles written in French, as well as from their published translations into Italian and Serbian.<br />The first part of the thesis provides an overview of theoretical approaches to the category of concessionality by various French, Italian and Serbian linguistcs, as well as of its relationship with other semantic categories, in particular with the category of causality. The second part enumerates the inventory of constructions and lexical means by which concessionality is being expressed in the three languages being analyzed. In doing so, a particular focus is placed on the use of the verbal category of mood in subordinate clauses of concession. The central part of the thesis is the one in which the identified inventory is analyzed on the examples from the corpus. In this part, a special attention is given to the means found in the corpus the use of which has so far not been mentioned in reference titles. Concluding remarks systematize the results and point at possible directions for further research in this field.</p>

The question of how to integrate idioms into standard theories of grammar has been a matter of investigation since at least the beginning of generative grammar. Idioms are uniquely positioned at the interface between the lexicon and the syntax, demonstrating properties of both words and phrases. On the one hand, idioms behave like stored units, arbitrary correspondences between sound and meaning that must simply be memorized by speakers of the language. In this way, they are similar to words, which have long been recognized as arbitrary sound-meaning pairs (cf. Saussure (1986)'s arbitrariness of the sign). On the other hand, idioms in the traditional sense are multiword units, often with some degree of syntactic flexibility, ranging from tense inflection (e.g. Eli kicked the bucket yesterday vs. I'm pretty sure Eli's going to kick the bucket tomorrow) to passivizability (e.g. Lisa spilled the beans vs. The beans were spilled (by Lisa)), and beyond. This places idioms in the purview of the syntax, where the combination and manipulation of multiword units is typically assumed to take place. Idioms, then, bridge the gap between the lexicon and the syntax, challenging traditional assumptions about grammar. This dissertation provides a proposal for dealing with just such issues. I provide an account of idiomatic representations that is consistent with theoretical and empirical research in the field. I explore what kinds of structures are licensed to have special idiomatic interpretations, and I present novel experimental and corpus results that bear on the issue of how idioms are represented. Ultimately, I argue that the structural requirement model alone is able to sufficiently account for the data.

In this thesis I investigate the syntax and semantics of tense-aspect stem participles in the Ṛgveda, focusing primarily on the data from the earlier books II–VII and IX, seeking to establish a comprehensive and coherent analysis of this category within the linguistic system of Ṛgvedic Sanskrit. In recent literature tense-aspect stem participles are usually treated as semantically equivalent to finite verbs wherever possible, but contradictorily where they differ from finite verbs their adjectival nature is emphasized. I argue that tense-aspect stem participles are a fundamentally verbal formation and can be treated as inflectional verb forms: they are adjectival verbs rather than verbal adjectives. At the same time, however, they constitute an independent sub-category of verb form which is not necessarily semantically dependent on corresponding finite stems. I examine the syntactic and semantic properties of tense-aspect stem participles both in relation to finite verbal forms and their wider syntactic context, formalizing the evidence in the framework of Lexical-Functional Grammar. Consequently I am able to categorize the syntactic and semantic deviations which many participles exhibit in comparison to finite verbal forms. I contend that many such forms cannot be treated synchronically (and sometimes diachronically) as participles, but form distinct synchronic categories. My analysis permits a considerably more refined definition of the category of tense-aspect stem participles, dependent on clear morphological, syntactic and semantic criteria, as opposed to the usual, purely morphological, definition. From a diachronic perspective I argue that the category of tense-aspect stem participles as found in the Ṛgveda more closely reflects an inherited Proto-Indo-European category of tense-aspect stem participles than is usually assumed. I also reconsider theoretical treatments of participial syntax and semantics, and develop a more precise typology of non-finite verb systems which adequately accounts for Sanskrit participles.