This study investigates the division of labor between null and overt pronouns in Spanish. The Position of Antecedent Hypothesis (Carminati 2002) posits that null and overt pronouns in null-subject languages differ with respect to antecedent choice in ambiguous constructions. The objectives of this study are to determine i) to what extent native French speakers learning Spanish in adulthood can acquire the same interpretation bias as Spanish speakers, ii) if heritage speakers (HS) of Spanish who grow up in a French environment acquire the same interpretative strategies as native speakers, and iii) if the type of exposure to Spanish influences the extent to which HS and L2 speakers of Spanish acquire the PAH tendencies. Fifty-nine participants (10 HSs, 23 L1 French and 26 L1 Spanish speakers) filled a questionnaire on language background, and completed a written production task and a self-paced judgement task. Our results show that the French and HS’ answers were similar to those of the native speakers, except for the backward anaphora with the matrix subject as the antecedent of the overt pronoun. The French and HSs rated this type of sentence significantly higher than the native Speakers did, which suggests that while French speakers and HS might have acquired the bias for sentences with null pronouns, the bias might not be as strong for the anaphora with overt pronouns. Interestingly, the French speakers tend to be “better” than the HS at rating all sentences like the native speakers.

This study presents a linguistic profile of a heritage speaker of Russian and recounts the efforts to revitalize his Russian after he had nearly stopped speaking it. The study was conducted over the course of almost two years, starting when the subject was twelve years old and ending when he was fourteen. Although this study found that the subject displayed many of the linguistic features typical of heritage speakers, the subject's Russian had suffered less attrition than is common for heritage speakers of Russian in the United States. This study presents its linguistic findings under the rubrics of phonology, morphosyntax, and semantics/pragmatics. This study also describes the pedagogical efforts to improve the subject's reading, writing, listening, and speaking skills in Russian. Finally, this study includes some reflections on the psychological factors that influenced the methodology and outcome.

abstract: Purpose: The present study examined grammatical gender use in child Spanish heritage speakers (HSs) in order to determine whether the differences observed in their grammar, when compared to Spanish monolinguals, stem from an incompletely acquired grammar, in which development stops, or from a restructuring process, in which features from the dominant and the weaker language converge to form a new grammatical system. In addition, this study evaluated whether the differences usually found in comprehension are also present in production. Finally, this study evaluates if HSs differences are the result of the input available to them. Method: One-hundred and four typically developing children, 48 HSs and 58 monolingual, were selected based on two age groups (Preschool vs. 3rd Grade). Two comprehension and three production experimental tasks were designed for the three different grammatical structures where Spanish expresses gender (determiners, adjectives, and clitic pronouns). Linear mixed-models were used to examine main effects between groups and grammatical structures. Results: Results from this study showed that HSs scored significantly lower than monolingual speakers in all tasks and structures; however, 3rd-Grade HSs had higher accuracy than PK-HSs. Error patterns were similar between monolinguals and HSs. Moreover, the commonly reported overgeneralization of the masculine form seems to decrease as HSs get older. Conclusion: These results suggest that HSs’ do not face a case of Incomplete Acquisition or Restructured Grammatical gender system, but instead follow a protracted language development in which grammatical skills continue to develop after preschool years and follow the same developmental patterns as monolingual children / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Speech and Hearing Science 2018

The current study quantitatively and qualitatively investigated Spanish maintenance among 45 Spanish heritage language (SHL) speakers in Utah who completed a survey about their linguistic background, their attitudes toward Spanish, their self-rated Spanish proficiency, and their current Spanish usage. Nine participants were also interviewed to expound on their linguistic experience. Previous studies on language maintenance (Alba et al., 2002; Carreira & Kagan, 2011; Lanier, 2014; Lynch, 2000; Mejías et al., 2002; Potowski, 2004; Silva-Corvalán, 1994; Zentella, 1997) have analyzed different sociolinguistics factors that relate to Spanish maintenance and usage in areas with high Hispanic populations. Nevertheless, little research has been done in locations with lower Hispanic concentrations such as in Indiana (Barbosa, 2015), Washington (Fernández-Mallat & Carey, 2017) and Kansas (Showstack & Guzman, 2020). Due to the limited research in these areas, the current study examined Spanish language maintenance of second-generation (G2) and generation 1.5 (G1.5) SHL speakers. Findings suggest that although participants have positive attitudes toward Spanish, they feel more confident communicating in English and have limited contact with the Spanish-speaking community and limited use of Spanish. However, results show that participants have a higher use of Spanish and greater connection with the Hispanic community due to their participation in Spanish-speaking religious congregations. Thus, the unique bilingual atmosphere that exists in Utah due to the cultural influence that the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has and Utah’s government objective to bring about a multilingual workforce through bilingual education may aid in Spanish maintenance in this state among future SHL speakers.

<p>This study examines the interpretation and production of inalienable possession among heritage speakers and L2 learners of Spanish. Inalienable possession lies at the syntax-semantics interface and has previously been found to be challenging among bilingual populations (Giancaspro & Sánchez, 2019; Montrul & Ionin, 2010, 2012; Pérez-Leroux et al., 2002). In particular, this study explores the extent to which Spanish heritage speakers and L2 learners exhibit knowledge of Spanish inalienable possession with pronominal verbs requiring the use of the clitic <i>se</i>. Results from an Elicited Production Task and a Contextualized Preference Task administered online showed that the L2 learners followed a distinct pattern of response compared to the native speakers in the production and interpretation of inalienable possession. This pattern was characterized by the preference of possessive determiners over definite determiners. Heritage speakers, on the contrary, were not found to differ from the native speakers of Spanish. They behaved similarly to the control group as they followed the continuum that emerged for inalienable possession. That is, both groups were more accepting of definite determiners, while they showed less preference for structures with possessive determiners. The findings are discussed in terms of current debates on the role of factors involved in language acquisition such as maturational issues, learning experience, patterns of language exposure and usage, cross-linguistic influence, and the grammatical structure itself.</p>

Heritage speakers of Chinese languages in Asia: Sociocultural factors that affect their proficiency in Mandarin Chinese discusses several of the reasons that some Asian ethnic Chinese are more proficient at Mandarin Chinese than others. This research was conducted in Taiwan between 2009 and 2011. Research subjects were of Chinese ethnicity, citizens of Asian nations and regions other than the People’s Republic of China or the Republic of China ( Taiwan ), and present in Taiwan as students of Mandarin Chinese and/or various academic subjects. The research question consisted of an overarching question and three sub-questions; the overarching question was: What is the experience of heritage speakers of Chinese languages in Asian countries where Mandarin is not the dominant language?, and the three sub-questions were: 1.) What sociocultural factors result in heritage speakers’ Mandarin learning/development being enhanced?; 2.) What sociocultural factors result in heritage speakers’ Mandarin learning/development being suppressed/not enhanced?; and 3.) Why are ethnic Chinese from non-Chinese nations studying Mandarin in Taiwan ? The researcher also unearthed what is possibly a new paradigm for a “heritage speaker of Mandarin Chinese” in an Asian context. Heritage Mandarin speakers in an Asian context may be a hybrid construct: speakers of a Chinese language with solid skills in the home language, a high degree of contact with Mandarin Chinese in the environment, and the capacity to rapidly acquire Mandarin and enhance one’s skills readily via the advantage of scaffolding at a higher starting point due to already being versed in one or more Chinese language. Some of the salient sociocultural factors which were shown to enhance the Mandarin skills of this population were: similarity of home’s or region’s Chinese language to Mandarin, exposure to Mandarin in the environment, policies favorable to or accepting of this language group and culture, and Mandarin as a medium of classroom instruction. Reasons for studying in Taiwan included its low costs and authentic Chinese environment. It is hoped that this study will inform efforts in the teaching of Mandarin to heritage speakers. It is further hoped that stakeholders who deal with heritage speaker issues consider not only the sociocultural factors explored in this research, but also the importance of considering the effects of language contact between heritage languages and similar languages and dialects. / text

This thesis investigates the syntactic structure of determiner phrases (DP) and their distribution in pre- and postverbal subject positions in Standard Arabic (SA) and Saudi dialects (SUD). It argues that indefinite DPs cannot occupy preverbal subject positions unless they are licensed by modification. Working within the theory of syntactic visibility conditions (visibility of the specifier and/or the determiner) put forth by Giusti (2002) and Landau (2007), I propose that adjectives, diminutives or construct states (CS) together with nunation can license indefinite DPs in preverbal subject positions. The syntactic derivation of the licensed indefinite DP depends on its complexity. In other words, in the case of simple DPs (e.g., a noun followed by an adjective), the correct linear word order is achieved by the syntactic N-to-D movement which takes place in the syntax proper. By contrast, if the DP is complex as in diminutives or CSs, the narrow syntax may not be able to derive the correct linear order. Therefore, I propose a novel analysis that accounts for the mismatches between the spell out of the syntax and the phonological form. I argue that the derivation of diminutives and CSs is a shared process between the narrow syntax and the phonological component (PF). I show that movement operations after-syntax (Lowering and Local-dislocation) proposed by Embick and Noyer (1999, 2001, 2007), in the sense of Distributed Morphology (DM), can account for the mismatch. The last theoretical chapter of the thesis investigates the linguistic status of nunation. I argue that nunation is an indefinite marker that performs half of determination with a full lexical item satisfying the other half. As far as the subject position is concerned, the current thesis includes two experimental studies that investigate processing of syntactic subjects in different word orders (SVO/VSO) by two groups: Native speakers (NSs) and Heritage speakers (HSs) of Arabic whose dominant language is English. The first study aims to answer two questions: a) which word order is more preferred by NSs, SVO or VSO? and b) which word order requires more processing? The second study aims to answer the same questions but with different participants, HSs. It also aims to check whether or not the dominant language grammar affected the heritage language grammar. Results showed that VSO is more preferred than SVO by both groups. As far as processing is concerned, NSs significantly processed subjects in VSO faster the SVO; they showed no significant difference when processing postverbal subjects in definite and indefinite VSO. By contrast, HSs processed subjects in SVO faster than VSO; however, the difference was not significant. The slow processing of VSO shown by HSs might be attributed to the effect of the dominant language which has a different word order from the heritage language.

No description available.

The U.S. is a country of immigrants who are non-native speakers of English (NNS), yet its legal system is not always in the favor of them. One of the issues for the NNSs is not being provided with proficient interpreters in legal settings such as police interrogations or courtrooms. There are times when some NNSs are offered qualified interpreters or translators, but others are provided with heritages speakers of needed languages in the local area. The heritages speakers are often thought to have good proficiency in languages, but unfortunately thats not always the case. To investigate the need for qualified interpreters, I conducted a discourse analysis on the interpreting provided in police interrogations in a legal case involving a Korean immigrant suspect, a heritage speaker of Korean who acted as an interpreter, and English speaking police officers. The result of this research is to help American jurisprudence be more aware of the implications of unverified interpretations to protect both jurisprudence and potential defendants and suspects of NNSs.

Clitic pronouns are linguistic elements which stand at the crossroads between different areas of the language faculty. They have specific morphology, syntax, and discourse functions. Use of this element requires the management of several aspects that draw from these areas of language. Clitics have been shown to appear early in typical acquisition, but to require longer for all aspects to be correctly managed, and they proved effortful in other modes of acquisition and atypical language, where they are clinical markers of impairment. In this work, we implement a comprehensive assessment of clitics aiming to investigate in what way different occurrences of this structure highlight different patterns of linguistic performance. To do so, we focus both on accuracy across conditions and on answer strategies, with an experimental protocol testing the following: comprehension of reference in binding constructions, production of clitics in two argument positions (direct object and indirect object), production of clitics in two sentence positions (preverbal and postverbal), production of clitics with different person features (1st/2nd and 3rd), and pragmatic abilities in the alternation with the lexical noun phrase and in perspective shift contexts. The assessment was tested on the following groups of native speakers of Italian: a group of pre-school and primary school typically developing children (Study 1), a group of adult heritage speakers of Italian living in the UK (Study 2), and four (pre)adolescents with a diagnosis of ASD (Study 3). Results found in this work showed that a comprehensive assessment of clitics can highlight similarities as well as differences in linguistic profiles according to different groups. Specifically, comprehension was not a discriminating factor in the populations: all populations tested showed to have access to abstract representations of clitics in binding constructions, as comprehension of simple clitics was generally unproblematic. An exception was found in the pre-schoolers, but this may have been due to task-related factors. In line with previous results on typical, atypical, and bilingual populations, production of Italian 3rd person direct object clitics with finite verbs showed different patterns across populations: in our data, typical children of all ages and ASD pre-adolescents showed to correctly produce this instance of the clitic the majority of the time, while heritage speakers of Italian showed poor production rates on this instance of the clitic. Importantly, our data shows similar results for indirect objects, showing that if the cliticization process is accessible, it is accessible regardless of the argument position occupied by the cliticised object. Another crucial result is that our studies find different patterns to be highlighted by the production of clitics on non-finite verbs as opposed to those on finite verbs: accuracy is similarly high in one high-performing ASD pre-adolescent and in the group results of 8-year-old children, but 4-year-old and 6-year-old children, as well as some ASD participants show chance or below chance performance in enclisis. The same was true for production of clitic combinations, although it was the least accurate structure across all groups, particularly in non-finite constructions. Here, heritage speakers and a few ASD speakers produce little to no instances of this construction, while those who produce it the most are the highest performing ASD participant and the oldest group of children. It is plausible to assume that the derivation of both enclitics and clitic combinations may require harder computation. These results allow us to conclude that if an individual or a population has issues on single DO and IO clitics with finite verbs, they will have issues with all other instances in the assessment. If an individual or a population shows no issues on single DO and IO clitics with finite verbs, they show typical language. In this, single clitics are coherent to their role of clinical markers. However, this study highlights the power of other instances of clitics, namely enclitics and clitic combinations, to unearth vulnerabilities to complex language. Types of non-target response also showed to be in part characterizing of different populations. The most striking result in this sense is the production of a lexical NP in place of the clitic. In typical development, this answer type only becomes the most used alternative answer in the hardest constructions, namely in enclisis; on the other hand, heritage speakers systematically use this construction as the alternative to clitics and use it more than they use clitics across all conditions. In our results, errors that are usually associated with impairment, particularly in younger participants, were marginally present in all groups. These are errors on the φ-features of the clitics, omissions, and misplacements (of which we found no instances), and they were limited to the youngest TD group, the heritage speakers, and the lowest-performing ASD participant. A recurrent alternative structure employed in conditions eliciting enclitics was the production of a simplified, finite verb structure.