Loin de disparaître dans le cadre de la mondialisation des échanges, les frontières de l’Union indienne s’effacent devant certains flux pour se manifester vivement devant les flux jugés indésirables. Parallèlement au renforcement des contrôles des passages transfrontaliers, trois des six dyades de l’Union indienne font l’objet d’une teichopolitique, c’est-à-dire de la construction d’une barrière frontalière. Ces trois barrières ont pour objectif de réorienter tous les flux vers des points de passage où un tri est effectué entre les flux qui peuvent entrer sur le territoire et ceux qu’il convient de refouler. Les flux sont ainsi hiérarchisés en fonction de leur degré de désirabilité. Ils sont alors traités de manière différentielle en fonction des risques qu’ils représentent pour la sécurité de la société indienne. Les principaux flux indésirables sont les migrations clandestines, les trafics illicites et illégaux et les mouvements d’activistes dont les projets vont à l’encontre des intérêts indiens. L’hypothèse principale de cette thèse est que les trois barrières frontalières érigées par le gouvernement indien depuis le début des années 2000 sont des dispositifs biopolitiques dans la mesure où leur objectif est de filtrer les flux pour empêcher les entrées indésirables sur le territoire indien. Bien plus, ces barrières sont les manifestations de la radicalisation contemporaine du biopouvoir indien. L’objectif de cette thèse est d’appliquer une réflexion biopolitique à l’analyse des barrières frontalières indiennes et de poser les bases d’un système explicatif de ces phénomènes. Cette recherche a été initiée afin de mieux appréhender la théorisation de ces objets géographiques et géopolitiques. / Far from disappearing in the era of globalization, Indian Union borders are no longer policed against some immigration flows; conversely, they have been tightened against other unwelcome flows. In parallel with the reinforcement of cross-border flow controls, three of the six Indian land borders have been subjected to teichopolitics, that is to say the erection of border barriers. The aim of these border barriers is to redirect all the cross-border flows towards checkpoints, where they are sorted into different groups, namely those that are allowed in and those that are to be rejected. Thus prioritized in terms of social desirability, they are dealt with according to the risks they represent for Indian society. The main unwelcome flows are induced by clandestine migrants, traffickers and activists, whose plans can run counter to Indian interests. The main hypothesis of this research is that the three border barriers created by the Indian government since the beginning of the millenium are biopolitical devices. Indeed, their objective is to filter cross-border flows to prevent the unwelcome from entering the Indian territory. Moreover, these barriers manifest the contemporary radicalisation of Indian biopower. The aim of this thesis is to apply a biopolitical approach to the analysis of Indian border barriers and to propose an explanatory system for the understanding of this geopolitical phenomenon. This research was initiated in order to evolve a theory concerning these geographical and geopolitical factors.

The number of border barriers has increased rapidly in the last decades. These barriers appeared between the wealthy and the poor, between the stable and those ridden by civil wars, between traditional military rivals and even between partners in the integration process. This suggests that a complex theory is necessary to explain the phenomenon of border barrier building. The presented work aims to provide an answer to the question of why states build border barriers by the use of Schmitt's theory of state based on nomos, sovereignty and political unity in interaction with globalization. This theory served as a framework for establishing the independent variables, namely challenges to land-appropriation, challenges to sovereignty from military threat, challenges to sovereignty from cross-border ethnic group, challenges to political unity from irregular mass migration and finally challenges to political unity from terrorism. These were then tested using regression analysis with number of border barriers constructed by a state serving as a dependent variable. The results suggest that states that often face challenges to land-appropriation, to sovereignty coming from politicised cross-border ethnic groups and to political unity from irregular mass migration build more border barriers than those that...