World history has been punctuuted by cycles of violence, regardless of time, region or race. Genocide. which is the worst form of violence has always led to horrible impacts of a social, economic and environmental nature. The last decade of the 20th Century was the most turbulent Rwanda has ever seen. The country was ravaged by civil war,genocide, mass migration. economic crisis. diseases, return of refugees and deforestation. Almost all Rwandan families were affected wherever they were and at multiple levels, by outcomes such as death, disease, disability, poverty, loss of dignity and imprisonment. Fortunately, the people of Rwanda have chosen the path of peace. but arc still faced with a huge task of dealiing with the impacts or the genocide and prior conflicts in the region. This dissertation attempts to investigate the socio-economic impacts of the genocide on current development in Rwanda using primClry and secondary data obtained from fieldwork undertaken in Cyangugu and Rutare Towns. The conceptual basis for the study was the Geography of Conflict, The general conclusion reached was that the causes and consequences of the Rwandan genocide are multidimensional. The Rwandan genocide did not originate from the "ancient hatred" between Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups, but from the manipulation of history and bad leadership. Also. the main impacts of genocide in Rwanda are the destruction of human resources. social and cultural structures in the country, especially the relationship between the Hutus and Tutsis ethnic groups. In the same way the genocide resulted in destruction of infrastructure. development facilities and natural resources, However. the effort for reconstruction and development undertaken after the genocide shows that rcconciliation is possible in long term despite what happened. The lasting solution for Rwanda is definitely national reconciliation and its success will depend mainly on good governance, human resource development and poverty alleviation. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2008.

At the beginning of the American Civil War, the United States (the Union) already had international diplomatic status, whereas the Confederate States of America wanted foreign recognition of its independence. The two governments sent agents and propagandists across the Atlantic, in particular to Great Britain to support their objectives. The Confederacy and the Union used various avenues, including rallies, talking with members of Parliament, and publications to convince the British that supporting the Confederacy was the correct action to take. The Union’s most well-known weapon emerged in January 1863: the Emancipation Proclamation. From the moment President Abraham Lincoln announced in September 1862 that he would emancipate slaves in the rebelling states, the nature of the American Civil War as viewed by the British changed. It could no longer be viewed simply as a war for southern independence, for it became more explicitly about the maintenance or abolition of slavery. For the British, slavery was a moral issue that they would never countenance. <br>The propagandists battled not just over slavery and its moral implications but also over supplies, and the propaganda battle climaxed over a material issue, that of the 1862 Florida and Alabama incidents when the Confederacy sneaked the ships out of Britain. The Union had tried desperately to convince the British government to stop the ships from sailing, but the British government allowed them to sail. Union outrage over the ships, subsequent military victories and the Emancipation Proclamation ultimately outweighed the efforts of Confederate diplomats and propagandists to gain open international recognition and support. / McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts / History / MA / Thesis

<p>The 20th century has witnessed several wars and genocides worldwide. Notable examples include the Armenian and Jews genocides which took place during World War I and World War II respectively. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 is a more recent example. These wars and genocides have impacted on the socio-economic and demographic transition with resounding crisis. The present study focused on the Rwandan genocide which affected households and families by reducing the fertility rate. Hence the fertility transition in Rwanda was analyzed for the period before, during and after genocide.</p>

<p>The 20th century has witnessed several wars and genocides worldwide. Notable examples include the Armenian and Jews genocides which took place during World War I and World War II respectively. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 is a more recent example. These wars and genocides have impacted on the socio-economic and demographic transition with resounding crisis. The present study focused on the Rwandan genocide which affected households and families by reducing the fertility rate. Hence the fertility transition in Rwanda was analyzed for the period before, during and after genocide.</p>

In Central Africa, wildlife populations are increasingly influenced by humans, even in protected areas. This raises the question how spatial patterns of wildlife abundance are affected by human activities and habitat and how these patterns change over time. I address these questions by developing spatial models combined with line transect survey data in two forest sites in Central Africa. In the Odzala National Park in the Republic of Congo, I examine elephant dung abundance data in relation to human threats and protection. In the Okapi Faunal Reserve in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), I developed spatio-temporal models for elephants and other forest ungulates to examine temporal changes in their densities as a result of changes in human impact in the context of a civil war that took place in the region between the two surveys. Covariates related to human influences dominated the observed patterns at both sites. In Odzala, elephant dung densities were mainly influenced by protection. They were higher inside the protected area and closer to anti-poaching patrol routes. In the Okapi Faunal Reserve, populations of all ungulate species declined severely between the two survey periods. Declines in elephant abundance were relatively higher closer to the park boundary and areas of intense human activity. After the war, elephant densities were higher in a small area in the centre of the park that may have acted as a refuge. Forest duikers also declined, but the spatial pattern of their decline was different than that of elephants. Densities dropped more in the southern part of the reserve, probably due to pre-exisisting higher levels of hunting there. Besides explaining spatial patterns of abundance, spatial modeling was shown to be useful in improving the precision of density estimates and in predicting densities across a surface in the Odzala National Park. In summary, humans overwhelmingly determined the distribution and abundance of ungulates in both sites. The civil war in DRC led to a dramatic increase in elephant poaching for ivory which caused a major decline in elephant populations. It aggravated the bushmeat hunting of duikers whose populations also declined sharply.

There is little question that Hobbes's Leviathan and Behemoth are largely responding to the civil conflicts that were tearing seventeenth-century England apart, but scholars disagree in their interpretations of Hobbes's diagnosis and prescription for the civil war. Complementing previous interpretations, my MA thesis suggests that Hobbes also traces the source of the civil conflicts to Western philosophical tradition (WPT) itself both methodologically and substantially. Methodologically, ancient Western philosophers do not start their ratiocination process with definitions of the terms used, and Hobbes argues that this lack of adequate method leads to all kinds of absurdities and consequently a whole false reference world. This critique is largely based on Hobbes's materialist accounts of philosophy and mind. Substantially, Hobbes suggests that Aristotle's natural, moral and civil philosophies in particular contribute to the chaotic opinions and the civil conflicts. After detecting this source, Hobbes undertakes perhaps the most ambitious endeavor to exorcise the demon of the tradition in Western history, by radically scientizing the philosophical tradition and establishing a science of politics.

ABSTRACT This thesis aims to (re)examine the breakdown of consensus that led to the outbreak of the English Revolution. It aims to do so from the particular perspective of a group of moderate godly laymen, commonly known as the 'Junto', who played a prominent role in the religious and political machinations of the Long Parliament before the outbreak of hostilities in 1642. Of particular concern is an exploration of the ideological background of these men in order to delineate possible contours of continuity of thought and action extending from the 1620s to the Long Parliament; an objective which has been facilitated via the deployment of a kind of micro-prosopographical methodology which focuses more on qualitative rather than quantitative 'ties of association'. With a view towards charting such contours of continuity, the 1630s provide the crux of the thesis. To this purpose, a number of ties of association have been interrogated including the involvement of these men in colonisation schemes (in particular the Providence Island Company); their resistive action to prerogative taxation; the efficacy of godly communitarian and social ties; and their association with the irenic schemes of John Dury and Samuel Hartlib. Deeply contextualised analysis of such ties of association has the potential to reveal and reframe previously obscured contours of continuity. Furthermore, this focus not only sheds light on this important yet relatively neglected decade but also contributes to a growing body of post-revisionist research by reappraising the revisionist emphasis on short-term and non-ideological causes of the English Revolution. This thesis demonstrates that, for these men at least, there can be discerned a continuity of dissident ideological thought and action stemming from the mid-1620s and receiving its fullest expression in the Grand Remonstrance of November 1641. Moreover, although this dissident ideological framework had political/constitutional implications, it was fundamentally religious in origin and nature, stemming as it did from a reaction to the Arminianism of the Caroline ecclesiastical establishment in the 1620s and its subsequent Laudian efflorescence in the 1630s. Thus this thesis demonstrates that for these men the causes of the English Revolution were essentially religious in nature.

No description available.

No description available.

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007. / Title from file title page. Carrie L. Manning, committee chair; Scott E. Graves, Charles R. Hankla, committee members. Electronic text (49 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 3, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-49).