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This qualitative study explores the experiences of female students on study abroad programs, with the aim of answering the following questions: do they face unique challenges as female students (including harassment or assault), how do they avoid or cope with any negative experiences, and can we as language departments better prepare our students to have the best experiences possible? The participants for the study were primarily 12 of 50 students involved in the Brigham Young University Study Abroad to Cairo, Egypt during Spring and Summer terms 2010. Data include participant observation, student journals, and ethnographic interviews conducted during the last few weeks of the program. Data analysis reflected gendered experiences in socializing with native speakers as well as experiences with harassment, and even sexual assault. The thesis argues that proper student preparation is the key to their continued investment in culture and language learning. Future research could include a look at second language learners across the Middle East, factors that contribute to harassment and assault, and gender as a predictive factor of language gains.

In this research I have focused on beneficiary and service providers' perceptions toward Arab social obstacles to help-seeking, appropriate intervention methods and obstacles to reintegration into the community after seeking assistance. Through semi-structured interviews and content analysis of local policies, laws and specific service offerings, I sought to contribute to the limited literature that explores how formal institutions that originate from a Western context are adapted to meet the unique needs of Arab victims of domestic violence. I found that the main social obstacles to help-seeking were attributed to a dearth of knowledge about existing services, a lack of confidence in formal institutions such as non-governmental and government agencies, a fear of rejection or punishment from their families and communities, concerns about laws that might increase a woman's vulnerability and limited economic resources.

This study examined the factors affecting the perception of Turkey in the Middle East from 2002 onwards by analyzing the combination of media, political elite discourse and people's political predispositions in the cases of Egypt and Tunisia. The research is separated into two parts. In the first part of 2002-2010, the factors of democratization, economic development, foreign policy activism, Islamic Oriented Government as well as Turkish TV series were found to be critical in the explanation of Turkey's popularity. In the second part of 2010-2013, democratization and foreign policy activism were the most effective factors while the other variables still had some effect. In particular the study looked at the news titles, articles, headlines in newspapers, as well as the views of journalists, activists, bloggers, politicians, and academics, which together shaped public perception. A brief historical background is also given in regards to the mutual prejudices and stereotypes between Arabs and Turks during Ottoman rule and the 20th century. The thesis concludes by emphasizing the continuation of democratic progress and reforms in Turkey as well as the need for foreign policy adjustment according to crisis situations as a policy recommendation for the government. The present study also seeks to contribute to both the public opinion theory of Zaller and the recent literature on the "Turkish Model"

Over fifteen years since the September 11 terrorist attacks, the United States is still fighting the nebulous “War on Terror” – a conflict that includes ground wars in Iraq and Afghanistan as well as covert operations around the world (including the homeland). American cinema responded to the War on Terror in fits and starts, with many filmmakers wary of tackling such a controversial topic. For a War on Terror film to be financially successful, it would need to appeal to both supporters and detractors of the war effort. To do so, the War on Terror film genre builds on the narrative, characterization, and aesthetic frameworks of the war films of World War II and the Vietnam War to develop a set of conventions that recall the ideological projects of the films of those previous wars. By examining the combat film, espionage film, and returning soldier film subgenres, this thesis will demonstrate how the War on Terror film genre formally and ideologically represents the divisive ongoing war to appeal to both pro-war and anti-war viewers.

Firstly, in 2019, I played a role of a woman who got married to a married man, later after the series aired to the public the role fired back on me. I observed the audience’s reaction exceeded everyone's expectations. The audience is divided into two parts the first part is the women who expressed their anger in a very aggressive and strong way, and the second part who was exciting to the character. The first part of the audience used several offensive, strong, and insulting words. The audience's reaction was very emotional, and they used all the tools to express their feelings for example, they used social media platforms and verbal violence when they saw me in the street. On the other hand, sometimes the women’s reaction was interesting in my point of view when one of the women personalized the role by imagining her husband betrayed her with the character for real. Secondly, in 2021 an actress from Egypt Mona Zaki pretends to take off her panty in a scene in the film. Although she didn’t take it off, she chose to symbolize the action, the scene fired back badly on her and her personal life as well. The audience couldn't compartmentalize between the acting and her personal life and personality. Therefore, we focus on the audience impact and the way the audience impacts the actress in the situated areas in this research, what would happen when the audience can't distinguish between the role and the actor's real Character?

Since 1948 when Israel was created there have been many conflicts in the Middle East, specifically between Israel and Palestine, both claiming rights over territory. To reach peace and security, the EU has supported the two state solution. There have been many published studies on the EU's position before the commencement of the Israeli-Hamas conflict on October 7th, 2023. This study investigates how, if at all, the EU's position has changed between October 7th and January 1st, 2024, as well as how divided the EU is over the conflict's position. This was accomplished through the use of a qualitative desk study and approaches such as process tracing and text analysis. The thesis uses rational choice as a theoretical framework to follow the process of decision making, political alliances and moral dilemmas. The study argues that there has been a change in position. The EU shows more support for Israel and continues to treat Palestine as a threat to Western security. However, this is not only a consequence of the conflict, but could also be explained by the political changes in Europe. In the end, the support for the two-state solution remains as this continues to benefit EUs own security. This continues to position the EU as a rational actor, as well as it prioritizes its strategic relationship with Israel.

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