Thesis (D. Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Studies)) / The Fertile Crescent, due to its geographical characteristics, has always been an area troubled with conflict and warfare. The men who participated in these wars, from ca 2000 BCE to 1000 BCE operated from an ethos which was governed by a system of rules, all which were conceived to be the creation of divine will, to which kings and their warriors (keymen) were subject. The cuneiform texts from Mari, Ugarit, Ebla, Amarna and others, have not only thrown light on the political, social, religious and military aspects of those turbulent times, but have also given insight into the formation of armies as well as the commanders who led those armies and the royal officials who governed cities and provinces, all appointed by the monarch in order to effect the smooth running of his kingdom. They also shed light on the formation of coalitions and alliances in order to promote peace, arrange marriages to the daughters of other ruling powers and to promote trade relations. These were no easy tasks, considering the diversity of peoples, the birth and fall of kingdoms and empires, and the ever shifting and changes of loyalties of greedy kings and their men, to attain power and conquest for themselves.. However, these texts also give glimpses of the human side of the king and the close relationships between himself and his men of authority, whilst the women of the court also played their role in some areas of the social field. The responses, of these people towards matters and events, whether they were confrontations, marriage alliances, trade ventures or hunting expeditions, occurred within an ever changing world yet, it was also a world with an ethos of ancient traditions, which did not disappear but instead remained, albeit in adapted or altered form, to be a part of their contextual reality. / Biblical Studies

The bull was a potent symbol of power, strength, and, to a lesser degree, fertility to the peoples of the ancient Near East from the twelfth century until 330 BCE. This symbolism was manifested in several iconographic motifs. These motifs reveal the bull as a manifestation of divine characteristics and as an expression of the power of man, and particularly the authority of the king. The use of these iconographic motifs was not consistent across the entire area of the ancient Near East; some differed in appearance and use in the different areas of the region, and many changed over time even in the same area. In all areas and during all periods the basic core symbolism stayed the same, and the bull was always held in a special respect. / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / M.A. (Ancient Near Eastern Studies)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Changes in world order have caused major shifts in the global positioning of states at the international level. The end of the Cold War ushered in a new power structure that shifted from a bipolar arrangement to a multipolar disposition. The emergence of this new world order allowed for emerging and developing states, such as Turkey, the opportunity to fill gaps left by the power vacuum created by the new multipolar power arrangement. This led the Turkish state on its path to become a middle power within the new world order. To assess the impact of changing world orders in the promotion of Turkey as a middle power in the new order, this study uses Coxian Critical Theory and the social relations of forces framework to account for Turkey’s middle power ascent. The framework developed by Robert Cox consists of three aspects, namely world orders, forms of state and the social relations of production. The change in world order both in the post-Cold War and post-2001 era has caused fundamental shifts within the Turkish state, both in terms of forms of state and in the social relations of production. Changes in the forms of state of the Turkish Republic following the end of the Cold War allowed for the creation of more robust civil society organizations, and a state that was transformed by the spread of international norms that originated at the world order level. International norms at the world order level not only affected the forms of state, but also the social relations of production and the political economy of Turkey. As a result changes in the forms of state and social relations of production informed by changes at the world order level, influenced the creation and execution of a proactive autonomous and internationally geared Turkish foreign policy, which is indicative of a middle power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Aanpassings in die wêreld orde het grootskaalse verskuiwings op internasionale vlak in die globale positionering van state te weeg gebring. Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het ontwikkel in ‘n nuwe mag struktuur wat beweeg het van bipolêre magskikking tot multi-polêre ingesteldheid. Die opkoms van hierdie nuwe wêreld orde het vir opkomende en ontwikkelende state, soos Turkye, die geleentheid gebied om in rolle in te tree wat ontstaan het as gevolg van die magsleemte wat veroorsaak is deur die nuwe multi-polêre orde. Die faktore het daartoe bygedra dat Turkye ‘n nuwe rol as ‘n intermedïere moondheid (‘middle power’) begin aanneem het. Hierdie studie het die Kritiese Teorie van Robert Cox gebruik om te bepaal wat die impak is van die veranderende wêreld orde op die ontwikkeling van Turkye as ‘n intermedïere moondheid in die nuwe wêreld orde, asook die mag van sosiale verwantskappe (‘social relations of forces’) raamwerk om rekenskap te gee and Turkye se rol as intermedïere moondheid. Die raamwerk wat deur Robert Cox ontwikkel is bestaan uit drie aspekte; die wêreld ordes, staatsvorme, en die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. In beide die post- Koue Oorlog en die post-2001 era het die verandering in wêreld orde merkwaardige verskuiwings in die Turkse staat veroorsaak; beide in terme van die aard van die staat asook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. Teen die einde van die Koue Oorlog het die veranderinge in die aard van die staat van die Turkse Republiek toegelaat dat meer kragtige burgerlike samelewingsorganisasies kon bestaan, sowel as ‘n staat wat omskep was deur die verspreiding van internasionale norme, wat ontstaan het op wêreld orde vlak. Hierdie internasionale norme het nie net die forms of state vorm of aard van die staat beïnvloed nie, maar ook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie en die politieke ekonomie van Turkye. Uit die aard van die saak het veranderinge in die vorm van die staat en sosiale verwantskappe van produksie wat veroorsaak was deur die verandering op wêreld orde vlak, gelei tot die ontstaan en ontwikkeling van ‘n pro-aktiewe, selfstandige en internationaal gerigte Turkse buitelandse beleid. Die laasgenoemde dui aan op Turkye se ewolusie as ʼn intermedïere moondheid.

二次大戰以前之早期歷史階段，中東地區一直是德國對外政策中之次要項目。而冷戰時期之雙邊關係發展，也多傾向於反映西德與該地區實際往來相對有限之情況，而非突顯類似雙邊在地理位置上之鄰近性、以及雙邊經貿關係發展潛力等有利因素；而就該時期阿拉伯國家對西德之態度立場而言，主要特徵在於前者對後者明顯支持以色列之立場感到失望及不滿。70年代以後，西德政府開始嘗試與以色列和阿拉伯國家建立一個「基於平等對待立場」（Politik der Ausgewogenheit）之往來關係原則，然而由於相關策略仍未能擺脫受到冷戰期間之美蘇對立背景環境、中東地區之以阿衝突問題以及二戰時期納粹德國曾經迫害猶太族群之歷史記憶等因素之影響，故至東西德統一以前，西德對中東地區國家一直未能形成具體可見之外交政策。 90年代之後，國際局勢歷經重大變遷，包括冷戰結束、東西德統一，歐盟內部統合趨勢、以及以色列和巴勒斯坦和平進程之展開等，不但影響了德國對中東地區政策，為上述政策之形成帶來新的動力與契機，同時也致使德國在該地區逐漸扮演更有力、可見度較過去顯著之角色。上述變遷之外，致使後冷戰時期德國在中東議題上之參與程度、以及德國支持歐盟在中東地區扮演積極角色之程度有顯著增加之其他主要因素，尚包括德國在中東地區之實際利益有所提升、德國與歐盟和美國之間的合作關係、以及德國與以色列之特殊關係等因素。統一後之德國，其內部已經逐漸擺脫了畏懼談論有關在中東地區利益以及以阿（以巴）衝突問題之情況，而其在中東地區確實存在某些實際利益，也是不容置疑的：經濟上，該地區提供能源及市場方面之需求；安全保障上，同樣地，可以歸結為德國在中東地區之主要安全利益，在於防止中東地區之衝突和不穩定局勢，包括恐怖主義、武器擴散以及難民遷徙等安全問題蔓延至歐洲地區；而就政治方面，德國於該地區之主要利益，在於以阿衝突問題之和平解決，而相關目標之達成，將能顯著地化解德國在拓展與該地區阿拉伯國家關係上之障礙及困境。 本篇論文探討並歸結出了塑造當今德國對中東地區政策的五個主要面向：（一）能源、經濟以及安全利益；（二）德國在以阿（以巴）衝突問題上之特殊處境與國內考量；（三）支持歐盟內部成員國在中東議題方面彼此進行協調整合之優先性；（四）強調在中東議題上進行國際多邊合作（特別是需要美國方面之參與和支持）之必要性；（五）德國對以色列之歷史責任及雙邊特殊關係。 筆者認為，未來，作為後冷戰時期德國外交政策的一項主要趨勢，德國對中東地區事務之參與情形將更為積極，同時也具備足夠潛力來扮演此一角色，並更願意透過具體實際之措施或行動來展現之，對於該地區局勢未來之變化將具有正面且深刻之影響，故未來其中東政策及在該地區角色之發展不容忽視，有必要予以密切關注。 / Before World War II, the Middle East region was not a high priority for the Governments of Germany. For West Germany, development of relations with the Arabic states during the Cold-War period is prone to reflect far more, the relatively limited scope of bilateral engagement, than the geographical proximity or the trading potential between the Arab world and West Germany. On the other hand, the typical perception towards West Germany that existed among the Arabic countries during the Cold-War period, is broadly characterized by the disappointment with West Germany’s pro-Israeli stance. From the 1970s onwards, Governments of West Germany had tried to build up a “principle of even-handedness”（Politik der Ausgewogenheit）in its foreign policy towards Israel, and the Arabic countries, but which still could not ignore the impact of the Cold War, Arab-Israeli conflicts, as well as the legacy of the Nazi past. Thus, a definite and visible policy toward the Middle East countries was unable to be formed during the Cold-War period until the reunification of East and West Germany in 1990. From the 1990s onwards, several major events have occurred which have changed the overall scenario, including the end of the Cold War, the reunification of East and West Germany, European integration, as well as the beginning of the Israel-Palestinian peace process. These developments not only affected Germany’s Middle East policy, but also brought about a new momentum and opportunities, which has resulted in a more forceful, visible and significant role, which Germany now plays in the region. Other major factors resulting in Germany’s increasing participation and its support of the EU role in the Middle East, include the growing German interests in the region, political co-operation between Germany and the EU and the United States, Germany's special relationship with Israel, as well as others. Post Cold-War Germany shied away, for most of its existence during the time, from discussions about its interests in the Middle East, and the existence of German interests in the region has likewise, become hardly doubtful. Economically, there is a vital interest in a secure energy supply from the region; On the other hand, Germany’s security interests in the region can be boiled down to preventing the problems of regional conflicts, as well as non-conventional threats in the region from exporting into Europe, such as terrorism, arms proliferation, and refugee movements; Politically, Germany’s major interest in the region lies in a peaceful solution of the Israeli-Arab conflict – which can notably solve a dilemma in its development of bilateral relations with both Israel and the Arab states. The thesis has explored and concluded the shape of today’s German Middle East policy with five major elements:（1）energy, economic and security interests;（2）special circumstances and domestic considerations in facing the Israeli-Arab (Israeli-Palestinian) conflict;（3）to support the co-ordination and the integration of policies toward the Middle East region between the EU member states as a top priority;（4）to emphasize the necessity of international multilateral cooperation on the Middle-East issues（especially with the involvement and support from the United States）；（5）Germany's historical responsibility and its special relationship with Israel. The author believes that in the future, as one of the major trends of the German foreign policy in the post Cold-War era, Germany’s participation in the Middle East affairs will become more active, as it has enough capability and potential to play such a role. It also has become more willing to exercise these attributes through concrete measures or actions, and will have a positive and profound influence upon the development of the region in the future, thus, the future development of its Middle East policy and its role in the region, ought to be put upon with more emphasis and paid with close attention.

This thesis offers a microcosmic insight into Britain's transition toward a world system without an Empire by exploring the life of the Anglo-Jordan Treaty (1946-57) via the prism of the British financed Jordanian Army, also known as the Arab Legion, and its British commander, Glubb Pasha. In so doing it puts the state of the relationship down to a system of mutual dependence. Britain's withdrawal from Jordan has primarily been linked either to the success of Arab nationalism or the loss of British will. By examining the Treaty relationship from construction to termination this thesis posits that it is imprudent to push any single factor too deeply, but identifies a shift in the balance of mutual dependence, caused by the changing geopolitical climate, as the driving force. A subsidiary aspect of this thesis concerns the partition of Palestine. The Arab Legion was the most important Arab army during the 1948 War. Based on unprecedented access to Glubb's private papers 'the most significant new documents to emerge since the opening of the official western archives in the late 1970s' this thesis provides the most accurate portrayal of the Arab Legion's conduct yet achievable. In so doing it reconciles inconsistencies within the controversial 'collusion' debate. It negates the revisionist argument that a firm Hashemite-Zionist agreement existed, but corroborates the notion that Britain approved the Arab Legion's use to implement an alternative form of partition to that proposed by the UN. It thus supports the revisionist argument that pre-war negotiations helped shape the 1948 War, but explains the Arab Legion's adherence to this secret scheme by emphasising Glubb's (limited) autonomy. Moreover, it reveals further details concerning the divisions within the Arab coalition, which further debunks the traditional David (Israel) versus Goliath (Arab coalition) portrayal of the conflict.

This investigation, covering the past two decades, attempts to determine what benefits the Soviets have sought to gain in their relationships with Middle Eastern oil-producing nations. Chapter I surveys the U.S.S.R.'s oil industry and its tentative prospects for the 1980's. Chapter II discusses Soviet involvement in the Middle East since 1950, including nationalization and oil embargoes. In Chapter III, developments less favorable to the U.S.S.R. are, analyzed: the growing influence of conservative, anti -Soviet oil-producing states and the deradicalization of other Middle Eastern nations. Chapter IV concludes that the Soviets have met with varying success in their Middle Eastern involvements. The future of their oil industry remains uncertain.

Cette thèse étudie la configuration télévisuelle de l’identité arabe moderne à travers un des programmes phares de la chaine satellitaire libanaise LBC-Sat : la Star Academy Middle East. Elle interroge, d’un côté, les motivations et les contraintes institutionnelles et commerciales qui orientent le processus de création de sens à la télévision et se penche, de l’autre, sur le produit fini qui porte en lui les traces des tensions et des confrontations qui ont accompagné sa conception. Elle cherche à décoder la représentation de l’arabité proposée par la chaine libanaise dans un contexte régional instable, marqué par des bouleversements profonds. Les télévisions satellitaires panarabes, reflets des nouvelles technologies qui ont inondé le marché régional à une vitesse déconcertante à partir des années 1990, ont, en effet, entrainé une contraction de l’espace et du temps oriental ainsi qu’une abolition symbolique des frontières. Elles ont permis aux citoyens arabes, urbains comme ruraux, locaux comme de la diaspora, de s’informer, en temps réel, sur l’actualité arabe et mondiale et d’interagir avec des individus proches et lointains. Elles ont, de ce fait, facilité l’émergence d’un réseau d’échange horizontal et d’un espace public transnational qui a fait renaitre de ses cendres, mais sous une forme distincte, le rêve d’unité arabe. À travers leur discours dirigé vers la « rue arabe » et orienté par des considérations plus économiques que politiques, elles ont, d’une part, fragilisé les régimes autocratiques en place, en les dépossédant de leur monopole historique sur les médias, et de l’autre regroupé, à l’échelle internationale, un ensemble d’individus partageant les mêmes convictions, les mêmes attentes ou les mêmes centres d’intérêt. En accélérant l’autonomisation des opinions publiques par rapport aux idéologies officielles, elles ont obligé les régimes arabes à se repositionner vis-à-vis de ces producteurs de sens à l’influence grandissante. Leurs discours, qu’il soit inspiré d’une rhétorique islamique ou libérale s’élabore dans une sphère publique chargée de sens et de références et s’expose à des critiques qui témoignent de l’imbrication du politique, du religieux et du culturel dans le secteur médiatique arabe. La LBC-Sat, chaine satellitaire généraliste libanaise, née de l’association entre des entrepreneurs libanais et saoudiens, a intégré cette arène symbolique en 1996. Fille de la LBCI, la télévision la plus populaire du pays des Cèdres — celle qui représente, aux yeux des téléspectateurs arabes, l’essence de la culture libanaise — elle a très tôt affiché sa volonté de séduire l’audience régionale à travers une narration qui se démarque de celle de ses concurrentes. Constituée d’un mélange d’émissions à l’esthétique occidentale, au contenu audacieux, et au ton libéré et souvent frivole, sa programmation prend ses distances vis-à-vis des conservatismes régionaux et dénote une volonté de configurer une représentation différenciée de l’identité arabe, proche d’une conception singulière de l’identité libanaise, porteuse, selon les termes des idéologues du Liban moderne, d’une mission civilisatrice auprès des pays arabes et d’un pouvoir de conciliation entre les deux cultures occidentale et orientale. Les émissions de la LBC-Sat témoignent de son rôle autoproclamé de trait d’union entre ces deux mondes et participent à populariser cette vision auprès du public arabe. Son plus grand succès transnational, l’adaptation orientale de la télé-réalité d’Endemol Star Academy, montre, en effet, qu’il est possible d’imposer cette image dans l’imaginaire collectif régional à travers la construction d’un discours sur la jeunesse orientale, caractérisé par son d’hybridité et sa position à mi-chemin entre le global et le local. / This thesis studies the representation of modern Arab identities through one of the most influential reality shows in the Arab World: Star Academy Middle East.It seeks to understand the strategic and ideological discourse over Arabism constructed by one of the leading Lebanese satellite channel in the MENA region: LBC-Sat.Through the study of both the professional and commercial context of emergence of this discourse, as well as a qualitative content analysis of the first four seasons of the show, it tries to understand its rationale as well as its impact in the Arab World.We believe that this narrative is unfolding in an arena of controversies where a multitude of positions regarding Arab identities are debated. Indeed, since the establishment of the first Arab satellite channels that led to a prosperous television industry, a pan Arab public sphere arose. TV shows became political fields in which opinions were exposed and theories regarding political and social issues were considered. The once monopolistic control over media contents of authoritarian regimes gave way to a more liberal environment, where citizens were given the chance to participate in the debates framing there lives. Today, Arab satellite channels act as a lightning rod for what is known as “New Arabism”, a sense of belonging to an imagined community that is no longer imposed by a higher power but developed by the base. With their liberal aesthetic and messages that oppose those of more conservative Arab televisions, Lebanese channels play a crucial role in redefining Arab identities. Their discourse, inspired by a cultural and ideological interpretation of Lebanon’s position in the Arab world, translates into a plea to rebuild bridges between the East and the West. As a symbolic object composed of hybrid forms and ideas, Star Academy Middle East echoes this position.

Critical examinations of cultural groups and the ways in which they are presented in schools are missing from current elementary and middle school curricula. Issues of this nature often fall under the umbrella of “multicultural education” or “cultural pedagogy,” but this rhetoric is dismissive in nature. Constructing the non-Western child as “culturally deprived,” “culturally disadvantaged,” or “at-risk” perpetuates an “us/colonizer” versus “them/colonized” mentality. The purpose of this study was to examine critically how the Middle East and its people are represented in U.S. social studies textbooks. Through the use of qualitative content analysis, 10 elementary and middle school social studies books from Florida, Texas, and Virginia were analyzed. Drawing largely from the postcolonial Orientalist work of Edward Said (1978/2003), this study unveiled the ways in which American public schools other children, specifically children of Middle Eastern or Arab descent. Othering occurs anytime an institution in power constructs a certain reality for a marginalized group of people.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Dec 29, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

In the historical tapestry of the development of the Goddess, from 10,000 - 330 BCE one golden thread shines through. Despite the vicissitudes of differing status, she remained essentially the same, namely divine. She was continuously sought in the many mysteries, mystic ideologies and through the manifestations that she inspired. In all the countries of the Ancient Near East, the mother goddess was the life giving creatrix and regenerator of the world and the essence of the generating force that seeds new life. While her name may have altered in the various areas, along with that of her consort/lover/child, the myths and rituals which formed a major force in forming the ancient cultures would become manifest in a consciousness and a spiritual awareness. / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / M.A. (Language and Culture)