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This thesis seeks to evaluate the progress of regional community building in Southeast Asia, which has been undertaken by the Association of Southeast Asians (ASEAN). The thesis analyses the extent to which there has been a shift from policies and processes associated with “old regionalism” (state-security-economic centred regionalism) towards those which are associated with “new regionalism” and a regional community (the widening of regionalism to non-state actors, and expansion of regional cooperation into new areas, and regional solidarity). The first half of the thesis demonstrates the persistence of “old regionalism,” based on a tendency to differentiate others as an external security threat in Thailand's bilateral relations. This tendency is driven by a deeply embedded historical legacy of differentiation, which is pursued by state actors for domestic political interests, as well as on-going bilateral disputes, and a militarised border. The second half of the thesis tests the significance of “new regionalism,” based on three case studies on civil society participation in regional community building. These case studies demonstrate how “new regionalism” is significant in form, rather than in substance, and how progress in community building is mainly driven by the more democratic ASEAN member states. Visible progress in community building includes the emergence of ASEAN-CSO meetings, an ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), and a transnational civil society network (TCSN), which is increasing society's regional awareness and society's participation in regionalism. However, substantive progress is lacking, due to the region's political diversity and the prioritization of regional unity over the realization of a people-oriented ASEAN Community. Thus, ASEAN community building is empty in substance, due to the continuation of politically motivated differentiation and border insecurity, symbolic meetings between states and CSOs, a powerless regional human rights body, and the remaining gap between regional declarations and policy implementation.

MAIR / Department of Development Studies / Development Aid has often has been used as a tool and written about where in by developed states dominated African countries during the colonial rule to maximize their countries economy by means of exporting raw materials from Africa to Europe meanwhile the majority of Africans living in poverty. However, the role of USAID towards South Africa’s development has attracted little study so far. Into today’s politics country states interact in a political arena to formulate bilateral relations. Since the adoption of independent in 1994 South Africa is still facing challenges of socio economic development such as lack of health care facilities, poor education, and high rate of unemployment, lack of infrastructures and lack of good governance. This work investigates the role of the USAID towards the development of South African government. Issue to be examined is the bilateral relations of US-SA for SA socio economic development. / NRF

Power inequalities and mistrust have characterized many interstate relationships. Yet most international relations theories do not take into account power and mistrust when explaining cooperation. While some scholars argue that power relations inhibit cooperation between states, other scholars expect interstate cooperation regardless of the power relations and level of trust. I argue that although states benefit from cooperation, they are also wary of the power relations between states, making cooperation difficult. Successful and cooperative bilateral relationships are formed between strong and weak states that are power asymmetric and have mistrust of one another, but they are built in such as way as to overcome the problem of power asymmetry and distrust. In this dissertation, I answer how and why states that are in power asymmetry and have mistrust of one another are able to build a cooperative bilateral relationship. I argue that states forge a relationship due to strategic needs such as economic or security needs. I have developed a database composed of the whole population of bilateral treaties between Russia and each of the former Soviet republics, and examine all of the bilateral relationships formed between Russia and the former Soviet republics. I find that Russia indeed forged relationships with the former republics based on its strategic interests. However, despite Russia's strategic interests, it had to build a bilateral relationship that would address the issues of mistrust and power asymmetry between the states. To achieve this, Russia and the former Soviet republics created treaty networks, which served to legitimize as well as legalize the independent status of each of the former republics while also increasing the cost to Russia of violating any of the treaties. I argue that strong treaty networks account for a more cooperative relationship between states, allowing both states to cooperate by alleviating the problems of mistrust and power asymmetry.

This thesis investigates the bilateral relations between Czech Republic and Tunisia from their beginnigs until the present time. Special emphasis is put on the analysis of the opportunities for the Czech companies willing to penatrate the Tunisian market. The gained knowledge is based on practical experience of some companies which suceeded on the local market.

In 1974 following the Cyprus Crisis, the bilateral alliance between Greece and the United States entered a new period. The bilateral relations, traditionally close since the emergence of the Cold War, faced a set of challenges. Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus and the collapse of the Greek dictatorship, which enjoyed close ties with Washington, gave rise to anti-Americanism in Greek society. Moreover, Washington’s inability to contain Turkish aggression frustrated the Greek government. In response to the invasion of Cyprus, Athens announced Greece’s withdrawal from NATO with the hope of securing the active involvement of the US and NATO in the Greek-Turkish dispute. These developments required readjustments to Greek-US policies and strategies to overcome obstacles and secure their objectives. Greece’s withdrawal from and return to NATO after six years, in October 1980, symbolises best this distinct period of Greek-US cooperation. The traditional historical narrative states that after 1974 the priorities of successive Greek governments were increasingly directed at managing the country’s accession to European Economic Community while developing closer cooperation with the Balkan states. The United States remained another significant ally of Greece. This thesis emphasises that the Greek governments between 1974 and 1980 regarded the United States as the single most important ally for the Greek national security policy. The Greek governments realised that only Washington could assist Greece with both Soviet and Turkish threats. Washington, meanwhile, prioritised retaining close ties with both Greece and Turkey and an eventual re-build of NATO’s Southern Flank. What is significant is that President Carter put aside his idealistic declarations made on the campaign trail and adopted fully Ford/Kissinger’s approach toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus, i.e. the Eastern Mediterranean. Hence, the thesis underlines the element of continuity between the US administrations in the second half of 1970s. The thesis makes a significant contribution to Cold War scholarship regarding bilateral relations within the West during the era of détente. Scholars has largely overlooked the US’s relationships with Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus even though the Eastern Mediterranean region dominated the foreign policy agendas of both Ford and Carter administrations. This study argues that President Ford’s handling of relations with Greece was focused on crisis management rather than crisis solving. More significantly, although unrecognised at the time, President Carter’s relations with Greece were a significant success. Ford and Carter responded to the Eastern Mediterranean questions in ways that reflect significant continuities in their approaches. Ford and his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger developed the concept of a ‘balanced approach’ towards Athens and Ankara in political, economic, and military terms that aimed at ensuring close ties with both. Carter followed the same policy concept. Carter succeeded in seeing Greece’s return to full NATO membership while resisting being dragged into the centre of Greek-NATO negotiations. During these years the Greek government also scored significant successes. Greek pressure ensured that Washington devoted equal attention to Greece and Turkey, a much more powerful regional power. Similarly, Greece received significant US economic aid while Turkey faced a strict US arms embargo. By 1980, however, the implications of the Iranian Revolution and the end of détente mandated that Turkey had to take precedence over Greece in the US’s policy considerations.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar as relações bilaterais e a cooperação militar entre o Brasil e o Paraguai de 1939 a 1948. Em termos internacionais, é uma conjuntura de sistemas de poder em disputa, Estados Unidos e Alemanha entre 1939 e 1945, e Estados Unidos e União Soviética entre 1945 e 1948. Em termos de subsistema platino, é um período de disputa latente entre Brasil e Argentina pela subegemonia regional. Nesse cenário, e a identidade política entre os regimes de Félix Estigarríbia, Higino Moríngio e Getúlio Vargas promoveu uma notável aproximação política e cultural entre os dois países, assim como iniciativas de viabilizar as relações comerciais através de ligações infraestruturais: estradas de ferro, estradas de rodagem, pontes, etc. Também houve a fundação da Missão Militar Brasileira de Instrução no Paraguai (MMBIP) que inaugurou a cooperação militar entre os dois países que persiste até hoje. O incremento das relações bilaterais entre Brasil e Paraguai nesse período fazia parte de um projeto do governo brasileiro de política externa para o desenvolvimento e foi a base dos fortes vínculos que se desenvolveram nos anos posteriores, tendo também contribuído para o lento processo de modificação na balança de poder no Cone Sul. / This work intends to analyze bilateral relations and military cooperation between Brazil and Paraguay from 1939 to 1948. At an international level, we have a conjuncture of power systems in dispute, United States and Germany from 1939 to 1945, and United States and Soviet Union from 1945 to 1948. In terms of platinum subsystem it is a period of potential dispute between Brazil and Argentina. In this context, the ideological identity between Brazilian and Paraguayan governments promoted a remarkable political and cultural rapprochement between the two countries, as well as efforts to enable trade relations trough infrastructure links: railroads, highways, bridges, etc. There was also the settlement of Brazilian Military Instruction Mission in Paraguay (MMBIP), in Asuncion until today. The increase of bilateral relations between the two countries during this period was part of a Brazilian government´s foreign policy project. It has also contributed to the process of modification of balance of power in the Southern Cone.

Disertacijoje nagrinėjama Lietuvos ir Prancūzijos politinių bei diplomatinių santykių dinamika 1919–1940 m. Atspindima Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos nepriklausomybės tarptautinio pripažinimo procesui. Analizuojamas Prancūzijos poveikis Vilniaus klausimo sprendimui tarptautinėse institucijose 1920–1923 m. ir Prancūzijos pozicija dėl Lietuvos santykių su Lenkija. Tiriami Lietuvos vyriausybės santykiai su prancūzų administracija Klaipėdos krašte 1920–1923 m. Nagrinėjama Prancūzijos kaip Klaipėdos konvencijos signatarės laikysena ginant Klaipėdos krašto gyventojų interesus 1925–1939 m. Įvertinamas Lietuvos ir SSRS politinių ryšių poveikis santykiams su Prancūzija. Analizuojama Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos dalyvavimui Baltijos valstybių vienijimosi projektuose. Tiriamos Lietuvos vyriausybės pastangos sustiprinti valstybės saugumą, įsijungiant į Prancūzijos ir SSRS 1934–1935 m. kurtą Rytų paktą. Tiriamos Lietuvos valstybės pastangos gauti Prancūzijos politinę paramą, 1938 m. gavus Lenkijos ultimatumą ir 1934–1935 m. ir 1938–1939 m. pr. Vokietijai taikant spaudimą dėl Klaipėdos krašto. Apibrėžiamas Prancūzijos požiūris į Lietuvos okupaciją ir aneksiją. Disertacijos rengimui naudoti Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bibliotekų rankraštynuose, Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Diplomatinių archyvų centre saugomi ir publikuoti istoriniai šaltiniai. / The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania’s independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania’s participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state’s security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania’s occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were... [to full text]

The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania’s independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania’s participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state’s security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania’s occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were... [to full text] / Disertacijoje nagrinėjama Lietuvos ir Prancūzijos politinių bei diplomatinių santykių dinamika 1919–1940 m. Atspindima Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos nepriklausomybės tarptautinio pripažinimo procesui. Analizuojamas Prancūzijos poveikis Vilniaus klausimo sprendimui tarptautinėse institucijose 1920–1923 m. ir Prancūzijos pozicija dėl Lietuvos santykių su Lenkija. Tiriami Lietuvos vyriausybės santykiai su prancūzų administracija Klaipėdos krašte 1920–1923 m. Nagrinėjama Prancūzijos kaip Klaipėdos konvencijos signatarės laikysena ginant Klaipėdos krašto gyventojų interesus 1925–1939 m. Įvertinamas Lietuvos ir SSRS politinių ryšių poveikis santykiams su Prancūzija. Analizuojama Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos dalyvavimui Baltijos valstybių vienijimosi projektuose. Tiriamos Lietuvos vyriausybės pastangos sustiprinti valstybės saugumą, įsijungiant į Prancūzijos ir SSRS 1934–1935 m. kurtą Rytų paktą. Tiriamos Lietuvos valstybės pastangos gauti Prancūzijos politinę paramą, 1938 m. gavus Lenkijos ultimatumą ir 1934–1935 m. ir 1938–1939 m. pr. Vokietijai taikant spaudimą dėl Klaipėdos krašto. Apibrėžiamas Prancūzijos požiūris į Lietuvos okupaciją ir aneksiją. Disertacijos rengimui naudoti Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bibliotekų rankraštynuose, Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Diplomatinių archyvų centre saugomi ir publikuoti istoriniai šaltiniai.

The background to this study lies in the discrepancy between the special economic and foreign-political importance of the EU for New Zealand and New Zealand’s low foreignpolitical interaction and visibility in the 12 new EU Member States. This explorative study is the first of its kind to investigate from New Zealand’s viewpoint whether any potential connection points or areas of common interest may exist between New Zealand and Hungary as one of the new EU Member States which might foster directly or indirectly New Zealand’s national interests in the European Union (EU). Owing to the broad nature of such an inquiry, the study encompasses the political, diplomatic, commercial, scientific, and cultural interactions of the two countries from the 1970s until 2007. The theoretical framework of the study builds on Small State Theory, its limitations for the special setting of the thesis topic, however, suggested a necessity to incorporate the Theory on the Role of Ethnic Networks in International Trade. The explorative nature of the research topic required a qualitative research design, based on interviews, questionnaires, and case studies in New Zealand and Hungary in the years 2005 and 2007. Research results were compared with macro-level statistics and official analyses where available to support and enhance analytic validity. The thesis concludes that a solely trade focused foreign policy would not bring the advantages desired by New Zealand. Instead, the research suggests various alternative areas and ways to serve cost effectively New Zealand’s foreign political goals not just in Hungary but also in the Central and Eastern European region in general.