The master thesis "Guy Erismann and his role in Czech-French cultural relations in music" focus on Erismann's activities which propagated the Czech music in France in 1960-2007. Guy Erismann was an expert whose aim considered in raising French public awareness of the Czech musical heritage. Furthermore, the interest of the French society in Czech composers was noticed not until the 1960s. The thesis analyses if the activities of Erismann contributed to promoting the Czech music in France and if yes, what kind of contribution it was. The research uses the biographical methodology concentrating on Erismann's personality, knowledge, official post, network of personal contacts and reputation. All research criteria represent intangible capabilities of an individual actor in international relations. Regarding Erismann's personality, he was able to overcome the mistrust and even political divergences between Czech and French environment. Consequently, he achieved to establish a cooperation with Czech representatives of communist and afterward democratic regime. He wrote five books relating to the Czech music that became to be one of the most crucial resources about the Czech composers in France. Moreover, Erismann's high position in Radio France allowed him to incorporate Czech compositions, unknown in...

The diploma thesis analyzes the way of promoting the national interest of the Czech Republic in Georgia and describes possible changes as a result of the Czech EU Presidency. The national interest is examined based on the assumption that the state foreign policy is the expression of the national interest. Therefore, the primary sources for this analysis are official foreign policy documents of the Czech Republic. The aim is to confirm or disprove the hypothesis that Czech foreign-policy towards Georgia in the period from 2007 to 2011 was driven by the aim to maximize own profit through EU structures. Given the size of the Czech Republic and its geopolitical importace, the analysis is based on the theory of neo-liberal institutionalism, and in accordance with this theory the national interest operationalized into four criteria, namely: 1) Compliance of EU and Czech interests, 2) Profiting from the EU presidency to promote the Czech interests, 3) Long-term consistency of interests, and 4) Economic interests as the main priority. The set of criteria helped to identify whether the Czech Republic behaved in accordance with the theory of neo-liberal institutionalism, and whether the Czech interests were promoted either through multilateral or bilateral relations. The analysis shows that in the studied...

This thesis examines the evolution and particulars of Chilean-German Bilateral Relations stressing the crucial periods in their history. Both these such different and far-distant countries are linked to each other with network of current and traditional ties. Nowadays, Federal Republic of Germany is Chile's major trade partner within EU. Although German immigration in Chile was relatively small in numbers, Chilean Germans subsequently managed to establish respected position and notably contributed to building-up this South American country in various fields. A positive reception of Chilean Germans' and/or Germany's influence was also reflected in this country's approach towards Germany during turbulent 20th century. The paper offers a qualitative historical overview of the official bilateral relations of Germany to one of its closest partners in the region. The relation is studied from several various perspectives (German-Chilean community, Chilean state authorities and government, foreign policy of FRG and GDR). In order to provide a more complex understanding of general context the issues are explained within wider frame of Chilean, German and Latin American modern history. Furthermore, a character of bilateral relations between Chile in democratic transition and unified Germany after 1990 is...

The diploma thesis analyses U.S.-Russian bilateral relationship based on the interpretation of discourses, interviews and speeches of the American and Russian presidents since September 2001 till December 2013. Using Critical Discourse Analysis, and more specifically Membership Categorization Analysis, as a theoretical and methodological basis of the analysis, the thesis categorizes specific periods of the U.S.-Russian bilateral relationship into three categories - positive, neutral and negative. Each category is defined by two basic concepts of the Membership Categorization Analysis - by the collections of positive, neutral and negative categories, which were addressed by the presidents to their counterparts, and by the category-tied predicates related to the particular categories. The final categorization of the U.S.-Russian relations is contrasted with conventional political affairs aiming to highlight the parallels between the categorization changes based on the discourses and the changes in the conventional political context. The diploma thesis offers an alternative view on the U.S.-Russian relations.

This master thesis is dealing with the German-Austrian relations between 1998 and 2005 with an emphasis on a period of sanctions against Austria in 2000 in which Germany participated. The analysis was done by using the concept of civilian power to analyze the German foreign policy and by using the theory of asymmetrical dyads to analyze the German-Austrian relations. Outside the above mentioned topic and period of time this thesis concerns itself also briefly with the history of the German-Austrian relations before 1998 and the Austrian political party FPÖ. Due to the thematic limitations this thesis doesn't cover the domestic policy of both countries during that era or the German-Austrian Relations outside the designed period of time.

本研究試圖將雙邊關係導入區域整合的解釋範疇，主要探討東南亞國家之間雙邊互動關係的解釋因素，以及東協對應成員國間衝突本質的制度建構，從而推進區域合作的進程。 從理論文獻與經驗事件，本研究運用「雙邊層次理論」（dyadic level theories）解釋東南亞國家間的互動現象，選擇「相對權力」、「軍事實力」、「政體類型」、「貿易互賴」、「經濟發展」作為開發中國家雙邊關係的解釋變數，用以理解東協成員國走向衝突與合作的選擇，並對「衝突－合作」的理論命題進行檢驗，據以提出適用於東協國家雙邊互動變異的解釋模式。本研究主張，開發中區域內雙邊關係受到國家屬性與相對特質的影響，爰須從個別國家互動交往的變遷軌跡予以觀察，其解釋變數將持續影響未來的整合道路。 在理論檢證的操作上，本研究參照「事件資料分析」（event-data analysis）方法，設計「雙邊互動的衝突—整合量表」（the Conflict-Integration Continuum, CIC），蒐集自1990年至2012年的「時間序列與橫斷面資料」（TSCS），並建置「東協成員國雙邊互動關係時間序列資料庫」（ASEAN-TSCS Data set）。透過資料庫分析和預測模型之建構，本研究釐清東協雙邊關係變異的解釋因素，並確認對於開發中國家間互動關係的影響關係。 為周延地理解東南亞次區域體系中單元層次（國家間互動）與整體層次（東協整合）的互動連結，本研究對東協歷年構建的安全制度與爭端解決機制進行文本分析，擇取區域內各組雙邊關係進行案例研究。透過對東協國家相對特質與互動事件的比較，進一步檢證次體系內國家間互動行為的關聯特徵，本研究期能為東南亞的整合研究提供一種理論啟示。 / This study aims to interpret regional integration through the lens of bilateral relations. It primarily addresses the factors in bilateral interactions between the Southeast Asian nations and delves into the process in which the ASEAN put forth an architecture to resolve the inherent conflicts between its member states to further promote regional cooperation. Based on theoretical literatures and historical events, this study uses dyadic-level theories to explain interactions among the Southeast Asian countries, chooses “Relative Power,” “Military Capability,” “Regime Types,” “Trade Interdependence,” and “Economic Development” as explanatory variables for bilateral relations between developing countries in this region for the purpose of understanding the choices made by the ASEAN member states towards either conflict or cooperation, and inspects the theoretical proposition of “conflict-cooperation” so as to put forth an explanatory model applicable for changes in the bilateral interactions between the ASEAN countries. The author argues that the bilateral relations in a developing region are not only influenced by the objective characteristics of each country, but also the relative relation to other countries. Therefore, observing the interactions between each individual country to others is required. The independent valuables are also dynamically influencing the approach of integration in the future. In terms of theoretical validation, a conflict-integration continuum (CIC) is designed for this paper with reference to event-data analysis approach, time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) data between 1990 and 2012 is collected, and an ASEAN-TSCS data set is established. By means of database analysis and construction of a prediction model, this research clarifies the explanatory factors for changes in bilateral relations between ASEAN countries and determines the effects that they have on interactions among developing countries. For the purpose of comprehensively understanding interactive linkages between the unit level (interactions amongst nations) and the overall level (ASEAN integration) in the Southeast Asia sub-regional system, this paper performs a text analysis on security regimes and dispute settlement mechanisms constructed by the ASEAN over the years and selects bilateral relations of pairs in the region as case studies. In addition to the data-driven analysis above, comprehensive knowledge of the interactive linkages between individual country and the overall ASEAN are also required. Therefore, a text analysis on security regimes and dispute settlement mechanisms constructed by the ASEAN is also conducted in this thesis. Several pairs of countries are used as case studies to investigate the bilateral relations in this region. By comparing relative qualities and interactional events of ASEAN countries, correlative features of interactions among the countries in the subsystem are further validated, as such, this paper aims to provide a theoretical revelation for research on the integration of Southeast Asia.

The focus of this research is on the analysis of relations between Israel and India from 1948 to 2005. The State of Israel was established in 1948 but only on 18 September 1950 did India recognise Israel. Eventually, the two countries finally established full diplomatic relations on 29 January 1992. The research covers three specific timeframes and aims to clarify the factors that have affected and effected the relations between the two countries in terms of levels of analysis. The first timeframe (from 1948 to 1991) pertains to bilateral relations between the two countries before the establishment of diplomatic relations, including preindependence relations. India's foreign policy towards Israel reflected its selfinterest in the Middle East as well as its traditional sympathy with the Arabs and had been influenced by India's commitment to the Non-aligned Movement and the sentiments of the Indian Muslims. Eventually it was transformed into an anti- Israeli foreign policy. In the second timeframe, the change in bilateral relations between Israel and India in 1992 and the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries are analysed by the Aggregative Model of Bilateral Foreign Relations Strategic Change. This analysis deals with the operational environment within which the Indian systemic foreign policy changed towards Israel. In the third timeframe, the evolving bilateral relations between India and Israel from 1992 to 2005 are analysed in terms of the Oscillated Diplomacy Model. Consecutive Indian governments in power had an influence on the volume of Indian diplomacy towards Israel as well as the direction of the relations between the two countries. Furthermore, three types of mutual national strategic interests, namely, joint strategic interests, common strategic interests and discrepant strategic interests, influenced the operational diplomacy of both countries. In essence, Israeli-Indian relations from 1948 to 1991 were characterised by partial and consistent pro-Arab and anti-Israeli foreign policy. In 1992, a significant diplomatic change occurred when India and Israel established full diplomatic relations. Since then bilateral relations have evolved continually in a positive manner concentrating on the convergence of strategic interests of the two countries. / International Politics / D.Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

The purpose of this thesis is to assess Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan before and after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. I argue that the nature of the relationship was transformed by the region becoming the centre of Cold War conflict, and show how Pakistan’s role affected the development of the mujahidin insurgency against Soviet occupation. My inquiry begins by assessing the historical determinants of the relationship, arising from the colonial legacy and local interpretations of the contested spheres of legitimacy proffered by state, tribe and Islam. I then map the trajectory of the relationship from Pakistan’s independence in 1947, showing how the retreat of great power rivalry following British withdrawal from the subcontinent allowed for the framing of the relationship in primarily bilateral terms. The ascendance of bilateral factors opened greater possibilities for accommodation than had previously existed, though the relationship struggled to free itself of inherited colonial disputes, represented by the Pashtunistan issue. The most promising attempt to resolve the dispute came to an end with the communist coup and subsequent Soviet invasion, which subsumed bilateral concerns under the framework of Cold War confrontation. Viewing the invasion as a major threat, Pakistan pursued negotiations for Soviet withdrawal, aligned itself with the US and gave clandestine support to the mujahidin insurgency. External support enhanced mujahidin military viability while exacerbating weaknesses in political organization and ideology. Soviet withdrawal in 1989 left an unresolved conflict. Faced with state collapse and turmoil across the border, heightened security concerns following loss of US support, and intensified links among non-state actors on both sides of the frontier, the Pakistan government drew on its recently gained experience of working through non-state actors to attempt to maintain its influence in Afghanistan. There would be no return to the relatively stable state-state ties prevailing before 1979.

二次大戰以前之早期歷史階段，中東地區一直是德國對外政策中之次要項目。而冷戰時期之雙邊關係發展，也多傾向於反映西德與該地區實際往來相對有限之情況，而非突顯類似雙邊在地理位置上之鄰近性、以及雙邊經貿關係發展潛力等有利因素；而就該時期阿拉伯國家對西德之態度立場而言，主要特徵在於前者對後者明顯支持以色列之立場感到失望及不滿。70年代以後，西德政府開始嘗試與以色列和阿拉伯國家建立一個「基於平等對待立場」（Politik der Ausgewogenheit）之往來關係原則，然而由於相關策略仍未能擺脫受到冷戰期間之美蘇對立背景環境、中東地區之以阿衝突問題以及二戰時期納粹德國曾經迫害猶太族群之歷史記憶等因素之影響，故至東西德統一以前，西德對中東地區國家一直未能形成具體可見之外交政策。 90年代之後，國際局勢歷經重大變遷，包括冷戰結束、東西德統一，歐盟內部統合趨勢、以及以色列和巴勒斯坦和平進程之展開等，不但影響了德國對中東地區政策，為上述政策之形成帶來新的動力與契機，同時也致使德國在該地區逐漸扮演更有力、可見度較過去顯著之角色。上述變遷之外，致使後冷戰時期德國在中東議題上之參與程度、以及德國支持歐盟在中東地區扮演積極角色之程度有顯著增加之其他主要因素，尚包括德國在中東地區之實際利益有所提升、德國與歐盟和美國之間的合作關係、以及德國與以色列之特殊關係等因素。統一後之德國，其內部已經逐漸擺脫了畏懼談論有關在中東地區利益以及以阿（以巴）衝突問題之情況，而其在中東地區確實存在某些實際利益，也是不容置疑的：經濟上，該地區提供能源及市場方面之需求；安全保障上，同樣地，可以歸結為德國在中東地區之主要安全利益，在於防止中東地區之衝突和不穩定局勢，包括恐怖主義、武器擴散以及難民遷徙等安全問題蔓延至歐洲地區；而就政治方面，德國於該地區之主要利益，在於以阿衝突問題之和平解決，而相關目標之達成，將能顯著地化解德國在拓展與該地區阿拉伯國家關係上之障礙及困境。 本篇論文探討並歸結出了塑造當今德國對中東地區政策的五個主要面向：（一）能源、經濟以及安全利益；（二）德國在以阿（以巴）衝突問題上之特殊處境與國內考量；（三）支持歐盟內部成員國在中東議題方面彼此進行協調整合之優先性；（四）強調在中東議題上進行國際多邊合作（特別是需要美國方面之參與和支持）之必要性；（五）德國對以色列之歷史責任及雙邊特殊關係。 筆者認為，未來，作為後冷戰時期德國外交政策的一項主要趨勢，德國對中東地區事務之參與情形將更為積極，同時也具備足夠潛力來扮演此一角色，並更願意透過具體實際之措施或行動來展現之，對於該地區局勢未來之變化將具有正面且深刻之影響，故未來其中東政策及在該地區角色之發展不容忽視，有必要予以密切關注。 / Before World War II, the Middle East region was not a high priority for the Governments of Germany. For West Germany, development of relations with the Arabic states during the Cold-War period is prone to reflect far more, the relatively limited scope of bilateral engagement, than the geographical proximity or the trading potential between the Arab world and West Germany. On the other hand, the typical perception towards West Germany that existed among the Arabic countries during the Cold-War period, is broadly characterized by the disappointment with West Germany’s pro-Israeli stance. From the 1970s onwards, Governments of West Germany had tried to build up a “principle of even-handedness”（Politik der Ausgewogenheit）in its foreign policy towards Israel, and the Arabic countries, but which still could not ignore the impact of the Cold War, Arab-Israeli conflicts, as well as the legacy of the Nazi past. Thus, a definite and visible policy toward the Middle East countries was unable to be formed during the Cold-War period until the reunification of East and West Germany in 1990. From the 1990s onwards, several major events have occurred which have changed the overall scenario, including the end of the Cold War, the reunification of East and West Germany, European integration, as well as the beginning of the Israel-Palestinian peace process. These developments not only affected Germany’s Middle East policy, but also brought about a new momentum and opportunities, which has resulted in a more forceful, visible and significant role, which Germany now plays in the region. Other major factors resulting in Germany’s increasing participation and its support of the EU role in the Middle East, include the growing German interests in the region, political co-operation between Germany and the EU and the United States, Germany's special relationship with Israel, as well as others. Post Cold-War Germany shied away, for most of its existence during the time, from discussions about its interests in the Middle East, and the existence of German interests in the region has likewise, become hardly doubtful. Economically, there is a vital interest in a secure energy supply from the region; On the other hand, Germany’s security interests in the region can be boiled down to preventing the problems of regional conflicts, as well as non-conventional threats in the region from exporting into Europe, such as terrorism, arms proliferation, and refugee movements; Politically, Germany’s major interest in the region lies in a peaceful solution of the Israeli-Arab conflict – which can notably solve a dilemma in its development of bilateral relations with both Israel and the Arab states. The thesis has explored and concluded the shape of today’s German Middle East policy with five major elements:（1）energy, economic and security interests;（2）special circumstances and domestic considerations in facing the Israeli-Arab (Israeli-Palestinian) conflict;（3）to support the co-ordination and the integration of policies toward the Middle East region between the EU member states as a top priority;（4）to emphasize the necessity of international multilateral cooperation on the Middle-East issues（especially with the involvement and support from the United States）；（5）Germany's historical responsibility and its special relationship with Israel. The author believes that in the future, as one of the major trends of the German foreign policy in the post Cold-War era, Germany’s participation in the Middle East affairs will become more active, as it has enough capability and potential to play such a role. It also has become more willing to exercise these attributes through concrete measures or actions, and will have a positive and profound influence upon the development of the region in the future, thus, the future development of its Middle East policy and its role in the region, ought to be put upon with more emphasis and paid with close attention.

The presented diploma thesis deals with bilateral relations between Czechoslovakia and Romania during first years after the World War II. It is concentrated primarily on research of the political and economical relations. The introduction is followed by the brief summary of tradition of the mutual bilateral cooperation in the framework of Little Entente. Next chapter occupies itself with the negotiations of Romanian exile politicians with the Allies concerning the armistice treaty in which Czechoslovak diplomatic representatives of the exile government in London played a key role. The following part describes and analyses the process of re- establishment of the diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and Romania after the war. The chapter presenting the situation of Czechs and Slovaks living in Romania between 1944- 1945 follows after that. Two texts about the contribution of Romanian military troops on the liberation of Czechoslovakian territory and about the post-war re-emigration of Czech and Slovakian compatriots from Romania back to Czechoslovakia represent an essential part of this diploma thesis. The following chapter deals with the Czechoslovakian attitude towards the prepared peace treaty with Romania during the Paris Peace Conference negotiations in 1946. The penultimate part...