O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar as relações bilaterais e a cooperação militar entre o Brasil e o Paraguai de 1939 a 1948. Em termos internacionais, é uma conjuntura de sistemas de poder em disputa, Estados Unidos e Alemanha entre 1939 e 1945, e Estados Unidos e União Soviética entre 1945 e 1948. Em termos de subsistema platino, é um período de disputa latente entre Brasil e Argentina pela subegemonia regional. Nesse cenário, e a identidade política entre os regimes de Félix Estigarríbia, Higino Moríngio e Getúlio Vargas promoveu uma notável aproximação política e cultural entre os dois países, assim como iniciativas de viabilizar as relações comerciais através de ligações infraestruturais: estradas de ferro, estradas de rodagem, pontes, etc. Também houve a fundação da Missão Militar Brasileira de Instrução no Paraguai (MMBIP) que inaugurou a cooperação militar entre os dois países que persiste até hoje. O incremento das relações bilaterais entre Brasil e Paraguai nesse período fazia parte de um projeto do governo brasileiro de política externa para o desenvolvimento e foi a base dos fortes vínculos que se desenvolveram nos anos posteriores, tendo também contribuído para o lento processo de modificação na balança de poder no Cone Sul. / This work intends to analyze bilateral relations and military cooperation between Brazil and Paraguay from 1939 to 1948. At an international level, we have a conjuncture of power systems in dispute, United States and Germany from 1939 to 1945, and United States and Soviet Union from 1945 to 1948. In terms of platinum subsystem it is a period of potential dispute between Brazil and Argentina. In this context, the ideological identity between Brazilian and Paraguayan governments promoted a remarkable political and cultural rapprochement between the two countries, as well as efforts to enable trade relations trough infrastructure links: railroads, highways, bridges, etc. There was also the settlement of Brazilian Military Instruction Mission in Paraguay (MMBIP), in Asuncion until today. The increase of bilateral relations between the two countries during this period was part of a Brazilian government´s foreign policy project. It has also contributed to the process of modification of balance of power in the Southern Cone.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar as relações bilaterais e a cooperação militar entre o Brasil e o Paraguai de 1939 a 1948. Em termos internacionais, é uma conjuntura de sistemas de poder em disputa, Estados Unidos e Alemanha entre 1939 e 1945, e Estados Unidos e União Soviética entre 1945 e 1948. Em termos de subsistema platino, é um período de disputa latente entre Brasil e Argentina pela subegemonia regional. Nesse cenário, e a identidade política entre os regimes de Félix Estigarríbia, Higino Moríngio e Getúlio Vargas promoveu uma notável aproximação política e cultural entre os dois países, assim como iniciativas de viabilizar as relações comerciais através de ligações infraestruturais: estradas de ferro, estradas de rodagem, pontes, etc. Também houve a fundação da Missão Militar Brasileira de Instrução no Paraguai (MMBIP) que inaugurou a cooperação militar entre os dois países que persiste até hoje. O incremento das relações bilaterais entre Brasil e Paraguai nesse período fazia parte de um projeto do governo brasileiro de política externa para o desenvolvimento e foi a base dos fortes vínculos que se desenvolveram nos anos posteriores, tendo também contribuído para o lento processo de modificação na balança de poder no Cone Sul. / This work intends to analyze bilateral relations and military cooperation between Brazil and Paraguay from 1939 to 1948. At an international level, we have a conjuncture of power systems in dispute, United States and Germany from 1939 to 1945, and United States and Soviet Union from 1945 to 1948. In terms of platinum subsystem it is a period of potential dispute between Brazil and Argentina. In this context, the ideological identity between Brazilian and Paraguayan governments promoted a remarkable political and cultural rapprochement between the two countries, as well as efforts to enable trade relations trough infrastructure links: railroads, highways, bridges, etc. There was also the settlement of Brazilian Military Instruction Mission in Paraguay (MMBIP), in Asuncion until today. The increase of bilateral relations between the two countries during this period was part of a Brazilian government´s foreign policy project. It has also contributed to the process of modification of balance of power in the Southern Cone.

Diploma thesis deals with the bilateral economic relations between Czech republic and Israel in the context of global financial crisis. The first part includes the theoretical approach to financial crisis, its origins and impact on world economy. I continue with description of procedures adopted in EU in order to overcome the financial crisis as qickly as possible. Third part analyzes the economy of Israel, above all its development in last five years and shows, how did Israel deal with the impacts of crisis. This will predetermine the development of bilateral economic relations with Czech republic, that are analyzed in the last part of the thesis.

This diploma thesis deals with Czechoslovak-Soviet realtions and influence of czechoslovak ambassador in USSR Zdeněk Fierlinger had on their formation. Its aim is to properly describe the course of events between 1939 and 1945, which most affected the specific nature of diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and Soviet Union during the World War II and to evaulate how much Zdeněk Fierlinger intervened in these events. The secondary aim of the thesis is to characterize the diplomatic activity of Zdeněk Fierlinger, to verify or refute the common idea that he was a traitor of the state and finally to find out whether his political and diplomatic steps were motivated by the vision of personal gain or ideological causes.

The Quiet Revolution, and the unceasing changes that characterize the Québec of the 60’s marked an enormous step forward for Québec studies. From the end of the 60’s, and beginning of the 70’s, a series of research on Québec started to see the light. With the October Crisis of 1970, the emergence of the “Parti Québecois” and the province’s first lost of referendum; hundreds of articles, books, and researches have been written. Québec’s economic relationship with the United States, the quest for Québec’s identity and its place within the Canadian federation, the tensions within Canada, its relations with other Canadian provinces, as well as the whole cultural aspects, i.e. French language, politic, well almost everything has been studied over and over, everything but the implication of Québec, or “The Québec Factor ” in the Canada-U.S. bilateral relations. A few texts have been written about, the sovereignty movement and the Canada-U.S. relations, still not so numerous amounts of data related to the strength of the Québec factor and its role in the Canadian decision-makings toward the U.S. This is where the motive emerges, the fact that this subject has rarely been touched is not only extremely attractive, it is also a once in a lifetime opportunity to contribute considerably not only to Taiwan’s Canadian studies, but also to the field of Québec studies. The main objective of the present thesis will be to demonstrate that the Québec factor influences not only relations with the rest of Canada, but as well, from time to time, Canadian bilateral relations with its southern neighbor: the United States. The extent to which Québec is implicated in the Canadian decision-making toward the United States will be explored. Furthermore, Québec’s distinct cultural background, its cultural insecurity generated by domestic tensions with Canada, and the role played by those tensions in the Québec government’s decision to slightly detach with the rest of Canada and get closer to the United States will be addressed. The study will put its emphasis not on the fact that Quebec is extremely powerful, because it would be a lie, but more on the fact that Quebec, which is only a province, as well can greatly influence Canada and its neighbor. The study will be structured as follow; the second chapter will define what really is the “Quebec factor”, and will emphasize on the definition of Quebec’s potential influence on Canada, as well as its origin i.e. the domestic tensions present in the federation that led to the two referendums for independence. The third chapter will introduce the Canada-U.S. bilateral relation in order to further comprehend the considerable importance of both actors for each other. The fourth chapter will put its focus on the actual economic power of the province, taking as example the signature of the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement and the role played by the province in the Canadian decision-making toward this issue, which we will see was much more desired in the U.S. as it was in Canada. Moreover, as well in this chapter, the actual strength of the province’s economy, prior and post CUFTA, will be assessed. The fifth chapter will exhibit the influence of the Quebec public opinion on political issues i.e. the Iraq incursion and the first refusal of Canada to participate to the building of the Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD). Finally, the last chapter will conclude on what really represents the province for the triangular Quebec-Canada-U.S. relation.

Diploma thesis "Czechoslovak-US Relations, 1977-1981" examines the nature and development of bilateral relations between these two states primarily during Carter's period. The thesis describes foreign policy of the United States towards communist countries of Eastern Europe in the late 70's and early 80's of the 20th century and compares this policy with foreign policy of Nixon's and Ford's administrations. The paper briefly describes prevailing situation in the USA in the late 70's, impact of Carter's administration activities on global development of USA-SSSR relations and influence of changes on international field on Czechoslovak-American relations. The main attention is drawn to the nature of Czechoslovak-U.S. relations, matters of mutual interest and to the friction areas among the states. Political and diplomatic relations as well as economic and cultural relations are observed. The thesis also analyzes Carter's initiative to enhance human rights throughout the world and to fulfil the Helsinki commitments, which had essential importance for further developement of U.S. relations with the Soviet bloc states. Key words: Czechoslovak-American relations, The United States, Czechoslovakia, The Soviet Union, Jimmy Carter, Zbigniew Brzezinski, human rights, détente, differentiation policy

The subject of the thesis is the development of the bilateral relations between the Czech Republic and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in terms of trade and international development cooperation. Historical context, contractual base and diplomatic relations with top government officials are taking into account first. The main part of the thesis is the analysis of trade exchange and development support provided by the Czech Republic to Vietnam. The last chapter, dealing with the arrival of Vietnamese to the Czech Republic, completes the conception of the Czech-Vietnamese relations. The thesis also follows the perspectives of further development and potential of Vietnam as a future business partner for Czech companies.

Diss. Åbo : Åbo Akademi.

Ethnic interest organizations have not been considered a salience influence on foreign policy. Traditionally, democratic theory suggests foreign policy should be determined by the will of the general population, rather that the limited and segregated interests of minority groups. Specifically in Canadian foreign policy, ethnic groups have also had limited access to decision-makers because of increased centralization of Canadian foreign policy. In contrast, the literature on Canada-India relations suggests there is an important foreign policy impact by the large, economically progressive Indo-Canadian Diaspora which has actively attempted to improve relations between these states. This dissertation addresses this obvious contrast, showing how the community has overcome the challenges traditionally associated with ethnic groups and foreign policy. Centrally, the research finds that Indo-Canadians have been active and successful foreign policy participants, influencing implementation, perceptions-editing and direct foreign policy between the two countries. This is determined by two characteristics: first, the Harper government’s decision to actively improve economic relations with New Delhi has opened important cess points for the Indo-Canadian community. Give their intimate knowledge of India’s business and economic environment, the Diaspora has been involved in various overseas missions, consultations and networking between the Canadian government and various stakeholders. Second, ethnic group influence is determined by the community’s internal organization, including the composition of their membership, financial resources and political strategies. With these characteristics, the dissertation assesses three interest organizations: the Indo-Canada Chamber of Commerce (ICCC), the Canada-India Business Council (C-IBC) and the Canada-India Foundation (CIF). By conducting a within-case analysis, it finds that each organization has a niche role within Canada-India relations – in Diaspora representation (ICCC), business and trade relations (C-IBC) and policy-related advocacy (CIF). Centrally, this dissertation speaks to the evolving relations between the state and society in Canadian foreign policy. It offers a challenge to earlier work in this field, resulting in theoretical, methodological and policy-oriented advancement of a nascent body of literature, suggesting avenues for further investigation.

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