退休基金的管理是基金經營成敗的重要基礎。以英國向來以其退休基金事業發展為自傲的國家，在麥斯威爾事件發生後，也不免對其退休金法令重新檢討，制訂退休金法(Pension Act)，詳細規定退休金的管理與監督的各項原則。顯見退休基金管理與監督的複雜性與重要性。而根據一項針對全美80位退休基金的經理人所作的調查顯示，98%的人認為不良的運作程序對績效的達成形成一個負擔。另外，影響退休基金良好管理有三個重要因素：（1）個人的經驗與知識，（2）在資產組合中選擇與執行適當的資產配置，（3）對不同投資決策的風險與績效做有效的監督。因此，在退休基金的管理中，基金組織、基金的目標、以及管理與監督原則構成了退休基金經營的三個支柱 當退休金計畫推動的初期，多數人並不會在意退休基金的運作。但隨者人口老化、基金規模逐漸擴大，基金的提撥者開始希望基金的投資報酬率提高，並同時注意其安全性。過去許多退休基金的管理多僅著重於資產面之配置為分析基礎，較少從管理面及制度面討論。故本文援引國際勞工組織及世界銀行的研究報告所建議的基金管理規範，以及一理想的退休基金管理組織及程序為作為退休基金管理的基準，說明其管理及監督的重要性。 根據ILO提出的公約與建議包括有：1。年金計畫的財務分擔或由雇主和勞工提撥，政府得加以補助，或以稅收為來源；2。提撥的成本由勞、資、政三方共同負擔；3。退休基金的管理應由公共當局監督或依照規定標準；4。由雇主與勞工聯合管理且必須定期的精算報告以監控長期的財務狀況是否穩定。而世銀模式則建議：職業退休金計畫應包含準備金的要求、賦益權的規定、可攜式及資訊的揭露。強制性的企業年金應由精算師精算出提撥率，以確定提撥方式，將提撥金額納入一個基金裡，採私人競爭方式管理。世銀的研究報告也指出退休基金管理的最大風險乃是混合了公共與私人管理，以及退休金給付由政治與市場機制決定。此外，世銀認為退休金制度的設計應隔絕政治因素對系統的干擾等。而不論是隨收隨付制或提存準備制的公共退休金制度，或企業退休金的確定提撥制或確定給付制，其提撥基金與管理基金的意涵相同，基金的管理皆須以善良管理為基礎。 有鑑於我國勞退新制的實施，勞工退休基金監理委員會草案仍在立法院多方爭議中，本文遂以近年亦實施改革方案之加拿大退休金計畫投資局為例，以國際勞工組職及世銀的規範分析其基金管理與監督模式，發現其運作及組織的設立不僅符合國際規範，並處處顯示其以善良管理—忠誠義務為核心，以退休金提撥者與受益人為本的制度設計。以民營企業方式經營，但受政府有限度的監督及法律的約束。其明確的投資政策、良好的成本控制、公開透明的資訊與嚴謹的內部、外部監控制度，取得加拿大人民對其深度的信賴。據此，本文也對我國勞退新制下退休基金監理委員會之組織及運作作一分析，並提出若干建議，以為改進之處。

In recent years, Canada has increased its significance in the global oil market. The Albertan oil sands, along with the recent oil price hike have allowed companies to begin to exploit this potential. Hitherto, there has been little actual change in terms of Canada’s apparent energy plan or in its actual oil trading partners. As Zweig (2005) mentioned the oil sands are a potential sticking point for Canada. America deems Canada, and especially the oil sands projects, an essential key to their energy security; while China is scanning the globe looking for new energy partners. Based on supply and demand Canada seems a logical fit, however, basic economics and politics do not always mix, as it appears that Canada itself is lacking a clear energy plan for their own future. This paper will look at the opportunities for greater Canada China oil trade, and at the concerns arising from this in a customized structural realism framework as Canada needs to strengthen its national nergy plan, to focus attention on its own citizens, companies and the environment.

在臺灣，每年都有許多還在就學階段的孩子基於種種原因出國留學或是隨家人移民到其它國家，其中更是以加拿大這類以開發歐美國家為主。這些年輕的海外學子們在異鄉有著什麼樣的求學經驗，又對臺灣的教育有什麼樣的印象，是目前甚少被研究的議題。本研究以深度訪談的方式，對在加拿大接受過教育的受訪者進行訪談，了解他們在海外的求學與成長經歷及對臺灣教育的印象。結果顯示，年幼的受訪者由於較沒有自己的想法，跟著父母出國純粹是順從家人的決定。到了加拿大後，他們主要會遇到的困難是以語言為主，在學校方面，加拿大中等教育的師生互動比較親密，不過同學間容易以文化的不同形成小圈圈，造成受訪者出了國卻繼續留在臺灣人的文化圈裡。雖然本研究的受訪者都已經回到臺灣，不過他們還是認為自己同時是加拿大人也是臺灣人，在加拿大生活的經歷顯然已經改變了他們對自我的民族身分認同。對本研究的受訪者來說，臺灣與加拿大教育最大的不同在於社會對教育的重視性及看法，因此受訪者就算選擇在臺灣定居，不過還是會希望自己的下一代在加拿大受教育。 / In Taiwan, many school-age children are sent away by their parents to study overseas every year, or immigrate to Western countries like Canada with their families during their education process. The learning experience of these international students and their impression on Taiwanese education are issues that are seldom explored. The current research employs an in-depth interview method to investigate these international students’ learning experience through a series of interviews with subjects who have studied in both Taiwan and Canada. Result shows that the most drastic difficulty young immigrants face is having to learn a new language. Teacher-student interaction is more casual in Canadian middle education, but in terms of student interaction, students are more likely to form social groups based on different cultures, which caused the subjects to identify with both their Canadian and Taiwanese identities. In the eyes of the current study’s subjects, the most important difference between Taiwanese and Canadian education is the society’s view on education, and how important they see academic achievement. Based on these factors, the research subjects would choose to let their children receive Canadian education, even if they themselves had decided to live in Taiwan rather than Canada.

難民問題是一個國際性問題，難民是指居住在自己國籍國家以外，無法或不願返國的個人，由於種族、宗教、國籍、特定社會成員身分，或政治立場遭迫害而有所恐懼。由於難民對移入國造成政治、經濟、文化、社會、教育、安全等方面的衝擊，政府必須規劃難民政策並制定相關法規來因應難民問題。加拿大每年收容難民約25,000人，約收容世界上難民的10%，加拿大在2002年制定「移民及難民保護法」等法規，建立了完整的難民政策，並與聯合國難民署及國際移民組織等單位進行合作，共同協力來解決難民的安置問題。加拿大落實人權治國理念，積極參與國際事務，實質進行難民庇護措施，政府與民間共同合作提供難民保護及協助，並因時制宜的對其難民政策進行調整，以利其國家未來發展。本文以加拿大的難民歷史沿革之架構出發，就加拿大難民政策發展歷程、接納難民現況及難民政策實踐及改革措施作一整理，文末筆者以其研究發現提出建議及結論。 / Refugee problem was recognized as an international issue. The term of “refugee” has been perceived as people who face systematic discrimination on the bases of ethnicity, religion, nationality, and membership in a specific social group with “fear of persecution”. The problem of refugee has fostered an intense debate regarding what changes of political, economic, cultural, educational and secure environments are necessary in refugee-receiving countries to provide effective solutions. In Canada, there are about 25,000 people entered to seek asylum every year – with approximately 10% of all refugees worldwide. In order to deal with refugees’ settlement issues, Immigration and Refugee Protection Act came into effect in 2002. In addition, the Canadian government's effort in cooperating with UNHCR and IOM enables refugees to stay in safety. The dissertation presents historical overview of issues of refugees and provides critical review and discussion on refugee policies in Canada. In the end, the author proposed her personal conclusion and suggestion through the research.

The Quiet Revolution, and the unceasing changes that characterize the Québec of the 60’s marked an enormous step forward for Québec studies. From the end of the 60’s, and beginning of the 70’s, a series of research on Québec started to see the light. With the October Crisis of 1970, the emergence of the “Parti Québecois” and the province’s first lost of referendum; hundreds of articles, books, and researches have been written. Québec’s economic relationship with the United States, the quest for Québec’s identity and its place within the Canadian federation, the tensions within Canada, its relations with other Canadian provinces, as well as the whole cultural aspects, i.e. French language, politic, well almost everything has been studied over and over, everything but the implication of Québec, or “The Québec Factor ” in the Canada-U.S. bilateral relations. A few texts have been written about, the sovereignty movement and the Canada-U.S. relations, still not so numerous amounts of data related to the strength of the Québec factor and its role in the Canadian decision-makings toward the U.S. This is where the motive emerges, the fact that this subject has rarely been touched is not only extremely attractive, it is also a once in a lifetime opportunity to contribute considerably not only to Taiwan’s Canadian studies, but also to the field of Québec studies. The main objective of the present thesis will be to demonstrate that the Québec factor influences not only relations with the rest of Canada, but as well, from time to time, Canadian bilateral relations with its southern neighbor: the United States. The extent to which Québec is implicated in the Canadian decision-making toward the United States will be explored. Furthermore, Québec’s distinct cultural background, its cultural insecurity generated by domestic tensions with Canada, and the role played by those tensions in the Québec government’s decision to slightly detach with the rest of Canada and get closer to the United States will be addressed. The study will put its emphasis not on the fact that Quebec is extremely powerful, because it would be a lie, but more on the fact that Quebec, which is only a province, as well can greatly influence Canada and its neighbor. The study will be structured as follow; the second chapter will define what really is the “Quebec factor”, and will emphasize on the definition of Quebec’s potential influence on Canada, as well as its origin i.e. the domestic tensions present in the federation that led to the two referendums for independence. The third chapter will introduce the Canada-U.S. bilateral relation in order to further comprehend the considerable importance of both actors for each other. The fourth chapter will put its focus on the actual economic power of the province, taking as example the signature of the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement and the role played by the province in the Canadian decision-making toward this issue, which we will see was much more desired in the U.S. as it was in Canada. Moreover, as well in this chapter, the actual strength of the province’s economy, prior and post CUFTA, will be assessed. The fifth chapter will exhibit the influence of the Quebec public opinion on political issues i.e. the Iraq incursion and the first refusal of Canada to participate to the building of the Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD). Finally, the last chapter will conclude on what really represents the province for the triangular Quebec-Canada-U.S. relation.

價值不信任 / The paper reviews some of the main perspectives on social capital literature and its relationship with political processes of a democratic government. It has been shown that social capital enables a group to achieve common goals. The present study focuses on the trust dimension of social capital. Salient expressions of trust within a community and towards a government are both generally regarded favorably. Recent studies are alarmed by the present lowered levels of trust of the population towards the government. Scholars and policy makers are trying to find a solution to the problem. The author of this paper argues that lowered expression of trust in the government is not alarming and actually not critical to the well functioning of the government. The author shows that trust networks within a community and trust towards a government do not work in the same way. The author demonstrates how distrust in the government can have a positive impact on both the community and the government itself. It will also be shown that distrust does not limit cooperation and that distrust can push for new institutions to be formed. Distrustful individuals will demand higher transparency and honesty levels from the agents they believe to be untrustworthy until they have proven themselves otherwise. This is particularly important in people – government relationships. The study uses a historical analysis of two Canadian cases to demonstrate the value of distrust. The Oka crisis of 1990 and the development of the Chantier de l’économie sociale will be detailed and analyzed.

台灣是一個健全的資訊傳播科技產品代工樞紐，而加拿大正試圖推動資訊傳播科技的創新同時也是台灣的一個主要貿易夥伴與合作者，兩國有機會增進在資訊傳播科技的合作。本論文將評估兩國資訊傳播科技在產業、企業、政府三個層次合作的現況，目的是要發掘台灣如何能夠透過與加拿大進一步的合作，以確保台灣在資訊傳播科技產業的競爭力。論文探討下述研究問題：加拿大與台灣的進一步合作，是如何可以增進台灣在資訊傳播科技產業的創新以確保台灣的競爭力。論文以質化分析兩國的資訊傳播科技產業，來查明優勢與限制和雙方合作的現況。研究結果顯示加拿大與台灣在資訊傳播科技產業是有互補性的夥伴，並有堅實的基礎推動合作、研發與加強創新，而透過開發新的產品、服務與技術，政府與企業合作可以加強台灣資訊傳播科技產業的競爭力。 / Taiwan is an established contract hub for the manufacturing of information and communication technologies (ICT). As Canada aims to promote innovation in its ICT industry and as a major trading partner and collaborator with Taiwan, there is opportunity for both countries to increase cooperation in this industry. This thesis will assess the current level of cooperation between the two countries’ ICT industries, ICT companies and governments. The purpose is to determine how Taiwan can maintain its ICT competitiveness through enhanced Canada-Taiwan ICT industry cooperation. The following research question will be analyzed: How can enhanced ICT cooperation and collaboration in research and development between Canada and Taiwan improve innovation in Taiwan’s ICT industry in order to remain competitive? The thesis will use a qualitative analysis of both industries to determine strengths and weaknesses. Current cooperation in bilateral relations between them will be examined. Findings demonstrate that Canada and Taiwan have complementary ICT industries for partnerships and strong foundations which can promote further cooperation, research and development, and bolster innovation. Strong government level and company level cooperation will enhance Taiwan’s ICT competitiveness by creating new products, services and technologies.

本論文主要是以國際比較的觀點，來探討婦女年金權益相關之議題，以加拿大、德國、瑞典等三國之婦女相關的年金制度為討論對象，分別以受益身分（包括個人權利與衍生性權利）、生命週期相關因素（包括勞動參與、婚育、離婚、殘障、喪偶與老年及退休等）及制度內容（包括給付年齡、年資之計算、給付金額與水準）等項目來分析其性別意涵。在國際比較之後，再以相同的項目來探討台灣現階段規劃中的年金制度，包括內政部的國民年金保險、勞委會的勞動者年金及經建會的國民年金保險等，以了解目前台灣規劃中的年金制度是否關注到女性的權益。 / This thesis focuses on the issues about women's pension right by an international comparison among three developed countries, Canada, Germany and Sweden. Three items are discussed: the right to social benefits or entitlements(including personal right and derived right), the related effects of life courses(including labor participation, marriage and child-bearing, divorced, invalidity, widowhood and old age, and system arrangement(including benefit age or pensionable age, duration and enefit level).From the result of the international comparison, some pension schemes planning in Taiwan, such as the National Pension Insurance by Ministry of Interior, the Labor's Pension by the Council for Labor Affairs and the National Pension Insurance by the Council for Economic and Planning Development, are discussed, in order to find out if these schemes benefit women as well as men.

Following world trends, the government of Taiwan is paying more attention in recent years to providing a degree of autonomy to the island’s indigenous peoples. As with many policy initiatives, the government is looking abroad for a blueprint, and Canada is the Western country that is often promoted as a viable model to follow. The purpose of this work is to examine the historical and cultural influences of how each nation has treated its indigenous population and, given these variances, identify roadblocks to Taiwan’s successful implementation of a mechanism for deriving aboriginal self-government agreements based on the Canadian example, as well as to propose policy recommendations on what direction relevant legislation should take. / Following world trends, the government of Taiwan is paying more attention in recent years to providing a degree of autonomy to the island’s indigenous peoples. As with many policy initiatives, the government is looking abroad for a blueprint, and Canada is the Western country that is often promoted as a viable model to follow. The purpose of this work is to examine the historical and cultural influences of how each nation has treated its indigenous population and, given these variances, identify roadblocks to Taiwan’s successful implementation of a mechanism for deriving aboriginal self-government agreements based on the Canadian example, as well as to propose policy recommendations on what direction relevant legislation should take.

經濟全球化以及國際分工，形成跨國的人才競爭，許多國家意識到在新經濟模式下欲維持競爭力，就必須吸納世界各國人才，對高技術人才的需求成為許多已開發國家的共同現象，並將技術性人才的跨國招募視為國家政策的重要項目，其中，美國和加拿大是最能成功吸引技術移民的國家，因此，本研究主要想要探討：美國和加拿大能夠成功吸引技術移民的原因是否與美國和加拿大的技術性移民政策有關。 本研究運用文獻研究法及比較研究法，先分析美國與加拿大的技術性移民政策的發展趨勢與變化，瞭解美國和加拿大技術性移民政策吸引世界各國高技術人才的方式，最後探討美國和加拿大技術性移民政策的成效及影響。 本研究發現美國與加拿大技術性移民政策的變化，主要受到需求驅動的影響，針對不同時期的需求，會適時調整移民政策，而在基於經濟增長的長遠考慮下，必須有一套穩定、有計劃的招募人才的選擇性移民政策。美國與加拿大招募技術性人才的方式，主要皆以招募永久移民與短期移民為主，永久性的技術移民必須是國家需要的、有利於國家的高技術人才，並能長期為國家作出貢獻者；短期移民目的是為了要解決國家短期急需，但雇主在國內卻又招不到高階人才而設置的，但有工作年限的限制，不但解決了國家對極需人才的問題，也避免了當景氣衰退時的勞工過剩現象。在技術性移民政策的成效上，美國與加拿大的技術性移民政策，無論是永久移民或是短期移民，皆呈現逐年增加趨勢，可見得美國與加拿大的技術性移民政策在吸引各國技術人才上有明顯的成效。 本研究建議台灣政府學習美國與加拿大，調整技術性移民政策或配套措施，減少嚴重的人才流失問題，有效吸引外國技術性人才。並期待國內能有更多與美國及加拿大技術性移民政策的相關研究，作為台灣制訂技術性移民政策的借鏡。 / Due to economic globalization and international division of labor, contries compete for manpower cross the global. Many countries have realized the importance of recruiting labor forces over the world to maintain their competitiveness under this new economic trend. Especially the needs for high skilled professionals have become a common phenomenon in many developed countries. They regard the transnational labor recruitment is a crucial factor of their national policies. Among these countries, the United State of American and Canada are most success on recruiting skilled immigrants. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to explore a question - Are the policies of skilled immigrants of United State of American and Canada related to their success of skilled workers recruitment? This study utilizes literature review and comparative research method. Through analyzing the developmental trend and change of skilled immigrant policies of the United State of American and Canada, this study tries to understand the method of transnational skilled worker recruitment from these policies. Further, this study discusses the achievements and impacts of these policies. This study found the changes of skilled immigrant policies of the United State of American and Canada majorly were influenced by the demands of labor forces. Focusing on the demands in different periods, these policies were adjusted accordingly. Based the long term consideration on the economic growth, countries need to have a stable and planned selective immigrant policies on recruitment of skilled workers. The United State of American and Canada’s methods of recruiting skilled labors primarily are in two categories - “Permanent Immigration" and “Temporary Workers”. Permanent immigration is given to immigrants who are high skilled workers. They are needed by the country and will benefit to the country. Also they will contribute to the country for a long time. On the other hand, the temporary worker is given to skilled workers who are fulfilled the short-term needs of the country when these employers could not find employees from domestic labor force. Temporary worker status has limitation on the duration of stay that solves the shortage of domestic manpower and also avoids the excessive labor force in recession. Regarding the achievements of skilled immigrant policies of the United State of American and Canada, both “Permanent Immigration” and “Temporary Workers” policies have been brining skilled workers increasingly every year. This shows their policies have significant effects on recruiting skilled workers cross the world. This study suggests Taiwan government can learn from skilled immigrant policies of the United State of American and Canada. Taiwan government can adjust its skilled immigrant policies or other supporting measurements. It can reduce seriously problem of losing skilled workers and effectively recruiting skilled workers from other countries. This study expects more related researches in Taiwan on skilled immigrant policies of the United State of American and Canada. It could provide references for designing skilled immigrant policies in Taiwan.