無 / Following an exploration of the CBC’s history and role in Canadian society, this study offers an empirical examination of user generated content (UGC) at cbc.ca measuring the comment type, interactive exchange level, address features and national identity relevance of user comments. The entire comment threads of eleven stories from early 2010 are sampled and content analyzed. Results demonstrate that the vast majority of UGC at cbc.ca is not one-way as opposed to two-wayin nature and that – contrary to the CBC’s historic role – the national discussion is divisive as opposed to unifying. Finally, a discussion of how the CBC could improve its interactive functionalityis presented. Suggestions include recommending that the CBC clearly state the intention for interactive functionality, that the government re-formulate the CBC’s mandate and budget, and, most importantly, that the CBC consider a re-design of its interactive functionality.

On the current state of material distribution of renewable energy plans for development combined with the alternative uses of innovative technologies, there have been multilateral institutional partnerships regulating the actual distribution of nuclear energy programs through the PPPs, which have maintained a primarily scientific role while attracting international attention. In addition, the specific combination of scientific knowledge and technology transfers associated with public-private regulatory spheres has led to a common co-evolution of essential development characteristics, which have been intertwined with public environmental programs and resulting activities referring to the nuclear risk management of nuclear power plants NPPs, and to the formulation of participatory protection mechanisms. In this study, I analyze the comparative institutional status of nuclear energy models in industrial transition stages with waste disposal systems which have been based in Canada and Taiwan. The research focus in this dissertation has been placed over the practical need to identify the adaptive policy approaches in governance leading to local territorial interactions interrelated with a contemporary escalation of environmental technology issues, associated with public-private partnerships (PPPs), especially in terms of operability of STS transfers (science, technology, and societies) developed at societal level. Structurally speaking, the first section of this dissertation discusses introductory explanations already presented in July 2016 for the university commission about the proposed doctoral research design. The second and final parts of this dissertation have been developed at length in view of exploring some of the issues concerning the STS energy transfers and NPPs research policies associated with PPPs configurations. The final discussion section will summarize the literature findings about the changing mechanisms established in energy governance. The evaluative findings have been mostly developed through library archival documents, national reports, and analytical studies which I have compared in this dissertation. Overall for starting point, it can be affirmed that a technocratic vision of dynamic disciplinary elements related to managerial energy configurations of nuclear power plants, including waste disposal programs, has been proposed at regional level through common identification systems, established over public provisions involving regulatory interactions of nuclear sector industries based in East Asia and Canada. International and national attention has been focused on environmental cases of post-disaster emergencies and risk protection factors, particularly following on the Fukushima nuclear plant crisis in Japan in 2011. This structural process has been classified as an international critical domain. Essentially, the constructive experience acquired in governance has relied on cross-countries interpretative democratic models based on the existence of collective information i exchanges, which have actually involved different national regulators, public development actors, and industrial management partners, supported by: scientific experts, regional state officials, non-governmental representatives, and local district communities, among others. Moreover, the resulting collaboration process for public regulatory implementation which has been followed according to governmental aims and rationalization of resources regarding the civilian nuclear energy activities has also acquired a divergent character identified in multi-level state distribution systems. This happens in view of the similar formulation of industrial transition incentives for innovation and technology transfers, also entailing attentive responses formulated by taking into account the material normative reflections; which need to promote a broader view on collective participatory models, also based on public consensus criteria. Consequently, it can be considered that nuclear energy technologies and industrial knowledge transfers have been interlinked to a public set of normative appeals and confidence measures, promoting fundamental support for governance integrative practices. From an industrial point of view, the differentiation of innovation systems pursued through the development of specialized technology districts, for instance, in East Asia and Europe, has been configured according to public-private negotiation patterns assisting on the evolution of STS assessment programs. The corresponding formulation of risk prevention measures and safety assessment principles has been addressed according to the transition obtained with the adoption of alternative renewable energy plans. Managerial innovation capacities have reflected the temporal adaptation to development changes, which have been related to the emergence of nuclear fuel-cycle radioactive programs, and nuclear waste disposal activities. At implementation level, the direct involvement of community actors and environmental institutions has come into play leading to the identification of multilevel governance routes, by enhancing the knowledge transfers and learning systems, compatible with national and local collectivities, as well as, territorial and internal capacities. At the same time, the spatial regulatory requirements for regional identifications of the technologies used and the PPP agreements prepared in connection with nuclear energy facilities, and civilian energy installations, have testified the need to introduce learning cooperation stages for the evaluative and monitoring processes. These changing adaptation stages have been publicly controversial. At the end of bitter regional local disputes, the investigative agencies producing case-based reports have indicated the status of public concern and risk perceptions on nuclear safety issues, particularly for the local population living in proximity to NPPs, reflecting on common detrimental effects in terms of public governance and mutual trust conditions. The complex variation of public understanding about the programmatic issues surrounding nuclear science development and the environmental impacts has drawn us to an analytic core of ii structural determinants, which have been investigated in order to compare the international cooperation principles and the practical nationally-based conducts. For the identification of risk protection assessments of national capacities, I have elaborated this study project for comparative purposes, by trying to emphasize the critical aspects of public STS maintenance systems, which will require a legal status and clarification for the future generations in order to guarantee security and safety for everyone.

過去幾十年來，當地社區，科學家和政府官員不得不面對日益惡化的環境惡化以及對可持續發展和資源利用日益增長的需求。 近年來,為了解決日益增長的問題，土地和資源共同管理的概念越來越受歡迎。 共同管理通常被定義為⸢兩個以上的社會行為者之間談判，界定和保證公平分享給定領土，地區或一套自然資源的管理職能，權利和責任的情況⸥ (Borrini et al. 2000) 。 更具體地說，森林共同管理是指分享責任的領域和資源與森林有關的請況。 在理論上，森林共同管理的好處不僅應該是環境，而且應該是社會經濟。 在本論文中，我將對台灣的共同管理案例研究，十多年前成立的太魯閣國家公園合作管理委員會，以及另一個最近新出現的魯凱族和 台灣林業局。 為了提供台灣共同管理協議的示範框架，我還將討論加入加拿大國家公園管理的共同管理。 我將在台灣和加拿大的相關殖民時期追溯土著國家關係的歷史和演變，以更好地了解當前原住民族和國家共同管理工作的基礎。 本論文還將討論國際原住民族權利制度的出現在台灣制定本國原住民族政策方面發揮的作用。 我將了解原住民如何適應台灣國家公園和森林管理工作的政策和決策框架。 在評估原住民族與中央政府在這方面的權力關係的性質時，我的目的是回答以下問題：台灣當地原住民族如何與台灣政府達成共同管理協議？ 在分析歷史和國際背景，政策框架和每個案例的具體細節時，我將就台灣當局與原住民部落未來的共同管理工作提出建議。 / Over the past several decades, local communities, scientists, and government officials have had to contend with increasing environmental degradation and the growing need for sustainable development and resource use. In more recent years, in order to address these rising concerns, the concept of co-management of land and resources has become increasingly popular. Co-management is commonly defined as “a situation in which two or more social actors negotiate, define, and guarantee amongst themselves a fair sharing of the management functions, entitlements and responsibilities for a given territory, area or set of natural resources” (Borrini et al. 2000). More specifically, forest co-management refers to situations in which the area and resources for which responsibility is being shared are forest-related. In theory, the benefits of forest co-management should not only be environmental, but socioeconomic as well. In this thesis, I will conduct two case studies of co-management in Taiwan, the Taroko National Park co-management committee, which was established over a decade ago, and another more recently emerging case of co-management between Rukai indigenous peoples and the Taiwan Forestry Bureau. In order to provide a model framework for Taiwanese co-management agreements, I will also discuss co-management as it has been incorporated into Canadian national park management. I will trace the history and evolution of indigenous-state relations across the pertinent periods of colonization in both Taiwan and Canada to better understand the foundations upon which current indigenous-state co-management efforts have been constructed. This thesis will also touch upon the role that the emergence of an international indigenous rights regime has played in shaping domestic indigenous policies in Taiwan. I will identify how indigenous peoples fit into the policy and decision-making frameworks of Taiwan’s national park and forest management efforts. In assessing the nature of power relations between indigenous peoples and the central government in this context, I aim to answer the following question: how do local Taiwanese indigenous peoples engage in co-management agreements with the state government of Taiwan? Upon analyzing the historical and international contexts, the policy frameworks, and the specific details of each case, I will posit suggestions for future co-management efforts between the Taiwanese state government and indigenous communities.

加拿大自脫離英國政府的殖民統治以來，至今已經有一百三十多年的歷史。期間雖經歷了保守黨、自由黨之輪流執政，仍無法完全解決長期以來魁北克人民對於「獨特社會」地位、保護法語文化及傳統的要求。尤有甚者，一九七六年魁人黨（Parti Quebecois）在魁北克省執政成功，並分別於一九八○年及一九九五年針對獨立與否議題舉辦兩次魁省公民投票。雖然最後魁北克人企圖獨立的公投失敗，但其所帶來的衝擊、餘波，更強力震撼了加拿大的政治生態。 一九九三年柯瑞祥（Jean Chretien）領導的自由黨在大選中擊敗執政長達九年的穆隆尼（Brian Moulorney）保守黨政府，順利當選加拿大聯邦總理後，一直致力於改善失業率，通貨膨脹率及削減預算赤字等國內經濟問題。然一九九五年魁北克公投期間，柯瑞祥被許多聯邦派人士批評過於輕忽國家統一問題及魁北克分離派（separatist）的實力。最後聯邦主義者（federalist）雖以1.2％約五萬五千票的差距取得勝利，但獨立派人士卻揚言要繼續推動第三次公投以尋求最後的成功。 本論文主要探討柯瑞祥政府對魁北克獨立運動的因應策略，其中主要以經濟、政治、法律等三個層面予以分析。在經濟層面探討柯瑞祥政府的安撫策略（carrot strategy）及強硬策略（stick strategy）；政治上則探討魁人治魁的傳統策略，以及提前大選策略、外交策略、多元文化策略等；法律上則探討密契湖協議（Meech Lake Accord）與查洛城協議（Charletown Accord），以及九五年公投法律分析、Ｂ計畫 (Plan B)、澄清法案（Clarity Bill）等。由於一九九五年魁省公投對加拿大聯邦政府帶來的衝擊，使得柯瑞祥不得不更謹慎處理國家統一問題。其後，從一九九七年的大選和一九九八年的魁北克省長選舉得票結果可知，魁北克獨立勢力似乎已有見緩的趨勢。因此柯瑞祥政府在經濟、政治和法律面上對魁北克獨立運動策略之成效為何，以及魁北克獨立運動的未來可能發展，均值得探討，此乃本論文之主軸。 由於國內研究加拿大的學者不多，特別是針對魁北克獨立問題的研究更是鳳毛麟角，因此引發筆者的研究動機。面對近來因民族主義意識而興起之獨立運動風潮，魁北克的獨立議題實值得深入分析。 / It has been more than 130 years since Canada stopped being an English colony. Although conservative and liberal governments had come and go, none had managed to resolve completely and permanently the Quebec people's demands for a "distinct society" status and moves to protect the French language and culture. The quest for the former is especially worth mentioning. In 1976, Partis Qucbecois was voted into power in Quebec and held 2 state referendums to decide whether to be independent in 1980 and 1995. Despite failing to get a majority in the referendum, these events sent the shockwaves throughout the political world. In 1993, the Liberal party led by Jean Chretien beat the conservative government led by Brian Moulorney, which had been in power for 9 years. After Chretien became the federal prime minister of Canada, he concentrated on cutting down the unemployment rate and other internal economical problems such as the inflation rate and the deficit. In spite of this, he was criticized by many federalists as neglecting the country unification issue and the power of Quebec's separatists. Although, in 1995's referendum, federalists managed to win with a margin of 1.2% (around 55,000 votes) in the end, independents vow to seek a referendum again until they win. This thesis aims to analyze strategies taken by the Chretien government against the Quebec independent movement from three viewpoints: Economical, Political and Legal. From the economical viewpoint we'll take a look at Chretien's "Carrot and Stick Strategy". From the political viewpoint, the traditional "Quebecers rule Quebec" policy as well as the "earlier election" policy, foreign policies, multicultural policies, etc. are examined. From the legal viewpoint, the Meech Lake Accord, the Charletown Accord as well as 1995's referendum law analysis, Plan B, the Clarity Bill, etc. are examined. Due to shockwaves to the federal government brought about by 1995's Quebec Referendum, Chretien had to handle the country unification problem with even more care. After 1995, as can be seen from 1997 general elections and 1998 Quebec's provincial election, the Quebec Independence Movement started to lose steam. Therefore, it is worthwhile to examine the effects the economical, political and legal polices the Chretien government took had on the movement, as well as possible developments of the movement. That will be the main topic of this thesis. The author was motivated to do research on this topic as there aren't many researchers on Canada locally, especially researchers on the problems of Quebec's Independence Movement. Facing the independent movement recently due to heightening nationalist sentiments, Quebec's Independence Movement case study is worth an in-depth analysis.

三十年前北極是一塊具有爭議的領土，許多國家因此在這塊土地產生許多衝突，鮮少透過國際合作的方式解決爭議，今日許多國際政權採取相互合作來處理爭議，在這些政權中北極理事會是最有影響力的，但是怎麼演變到這樣的呢？ 這篇論文認為原因是中等強國的參與，並藉由加拿大的參與來探討北極理事會的形成，研究結果發現諸多加拿大領導人相互合作並說服反對政權的意見共組北極理事會，此研究也同時發現中等強國對政權的組成有極重要的影響，此論文的第二部份檢視中國對北極理事會的反應，此論文發現中國對北極策略採取國際法，而在此同時他們企圖在北極理事會中增進自身的影響力，總歸上述此研究在分析上有三項主要發現：中國作為外來政權的反應、中國對北極議題採取法律規範、中國對加拿大的北極主權看法。 / Thirty years ago the Arctic was a desolate region marked by territorial disputes, mutual suspicion between regional powers, and a complete lack of international cooperation. Today, the Arctic has become a hotbed of cooperation with a mosaic of international regimes governing regional affairs. The Arctic Council has emerged as the most important regime governing Arctic affairs. How did this transformation take place? This thesis argues that middle powers are crucial to regime formation. It examines the role that Canada played in the formation of the Arctic Council. It finds that several Canadian individual leaders acted collectively to bring together the Arctic states and overcome initial resistance in forming the Arctic Council. This study shows that middle powers have the ability to significantly influence regime formation. The second part of this thesis will examine China’s response to the Arctic Council. By surveying the statements of Chinese Arctic officials, it finds that China’s emerging Arctic strategy is to continually stress adherence to international law in Arctic affairs to assuage concerns about China’s Arctic activities while at the same time advocating for a greater decision-making role in Arctic governance for non-Arctic states. An analysis of China’s response to the Arctic Council also reveals three key findings of China’s Arctic cooperation: China’s response in relation to its status as an “outsider” to Arctic affairs, China’s support for the Arctic Council’s transformation from soft law to hard law, and China’s view on Canada’s Arctic sovereignty.

本論文企圖回答四個問題，分別是： 1. 加拿大原住民教育的主體：原住民的認同、定義、類別、法定地位為何？ 2. 原住民自治體制與自治體制下的政府關係為何？ 3. 加拿大原住民的教育政策為何？加拿大原住民自治體制與教育政策的關係為何？ 4. 原住民教育與多元文化主義關係為何？ 根據這四個問題，來進行章節的鋪陳： 第一章為政策的主體，加拿大原住民的定義，本論文嘗試從政治層次與憲法層次來討論加拿大民的地位、類別、位階與認同；並簡述加拿大原住民的教育概況。在研究中，我們發現，加拿大原住民的定義，不是來自文化、生態的因素，而是因為歷史與政治背景使然，1982年的加拿大憲法，正式承認了北美印地安人、梅蒂斯人與因紐特人為加拿大原住民，並且承認原住民的「現有權利」（existing rights），讓加拿大原住民成為有別於為加拿大其他「少數族裔」人口的一個「顯著的社會」（distinctive society），但是憲法的承認緊接而來的不是嚴謹的識別工作，所以關於身份問題，還有許多爭議，旋而未決。 第二章對第二章主要討論加拿大原住民自治的發展與規劃，並以尼斯加自治政府、努納弗特自治領地與梅蒂斯墾殖地議會等有土地基礎的原住民自治政府為例，來討論加拿大原住民自治的實踐。加拿大原住民自治政策的發展以及自治體制的規劃非常分歧，沒有辦法用統一的原則來描述。這種多元發展的現象來自於多元分歧的背景因素，有歷史上的民族關係，有身份識別的因素、有政府管轄權的爭議、原住民的人口、居住與地理特性、也有原住民的偏好與政府的協商底線規範。 第三章討論加拿大原住民教育的演進與趨勢。筆者在這一章試圖以較宏觀的角度來檢視加拿大原住民教育的發展，可以從政策制訂的背景、政策論辯的參與者、以及關鍵議題三個方向，來找出加拿大原住民教育的政策發展脈絡與階段特色。關於加拿大原住民教育的演進，約可以分為1996年的「RCAP報告書」為界，筆者將1996年之前的原住民教育分為四個階段，分別是同化教育（1867-1967）時期、整合政策、多元文化教育與印地安教育（1967-1982）時期、原住民教育的肇端（1982-1988）以及自治體制下的原住民教育（1988-1996）。第二節的重點則在於詳細討論1996年加拿大皇家原住民委員會(RCAP)原住民報告書關於原住民教育所提出來的建議與政策規劃。皇家原住民委員會關於原住民的報告書，宣告了加拿大政府與原住民之間新的關係的開展。筆者結合Frank Abele的觀點，發現加拿大原住民教育有下列趨勢： 1. 在原住民教育政策的層級上，逐漸由地方、省的層次上升到與國家對等的自治層次然而，原住民教育在國家層次所獲得的關注與討論並未如省的層次來得熱烈。 2. 在論述模式上，逐漸由同化論述模式轉向原住民自治的權利基礎與責任之模式，與公共政策論述之模式。 3. 在原住民教育的對象上，逐漸由部分「印地安人」（有身份的印地安人），轉向集體單位、泛稱性的原住民，乃至不同族裔屬性的原住民族。 4. 在原住民教育的層級上，關注的焦點逐漸由初等、中等教育轉向高等教育人才的培育，企圖以一種整體性（holistic）的觀點與策略來解決原住民教育問題。 5. 在教育目的上，從對同化教育的的反抗，到以文化純續為目的，發展至更積極的觀點，企圖透過教育，來彌補其與主流社會的落差、強化原住民的文化活力與創意，進一步培養自治的人才，可以說是一種以自治為目的（education for self-government）的教育政策。 6. 原住民教育與多元文化主義的關係，遠較Frank Abele所指稱的要複雜，原住民教育政策在理念上，曾採借多元文化主義關於人性尊嚴、人權與平等權的概念，但是在國家政策的場域，卻出現相互扞格、衝突的情形。 7. 在教育系統上，原住民歷經了由聯邦政府主導的「同化-隔離」系統、到進入與主流族群教育體系的「整合系統」、到目前要求與主流族群分立、由原住民主控教育內容、評鑑標準以及行政事務的「獨立系統」。 第四章是針對自治體制下的原住民教育，所做的案例分析。我們舉尼斯加自治政府的社學校委員會以及努納弗特自治領地的官方語言教育計畫為例，說明不同的自治政府體制、規模與民族屬性下的教育政策規劃。 第五章針對下列四個議題，討論加拿大原住民自治體制與教育政策面臨的挑戰： 1. 身份定義問題：自治的構成原速與教育政策的主體問題。 2. 管轄權議題：自治管轄權、教育管轄權、與教育實務之間的關係。 3. 理論基礎的衝突：多元文化主義與原住民主義的爭論。 4. 實務問題：原住民團體的需求差異與經費來源的問題 在結論部分，我們對本文重點作一個回顧，並根據自治體系的政府關係、自治與原住民教育、自治設計與教育系統的開放性提出筆者的看法與建議，分列如下： 1. 台灣應重新省思「Nation to Nation」的實質關係，務實面對自治議題。 2. 觀察加拿大原住民自治與教育政策，不能忽略多元文化主義、多元文化教育與原住民主義、原住民教育的衝突現象。 3. 台灣應著手進行符合社會現實，務實、開放、有效的自治規劃與教育規劃，而非理論的空談或國外政策的仿效。

冷戰結束後的世界，使人們重新思考安全的定義，傳統的安全觀已無法應付日益嚴重的全球性危機以及許多非軍事領域的問題，安全的涵蓋面向從國防、軍事延伸至經濟、社會、政治、環境等領域，而安全所關注的對象亦從國家擴展至國際及社會、個人層面，新的安全觀逐漸被重視，其中以提升個人及全人類安全與福祉的人類安全，最符合聯合國及國際社會所強調的以人為中心的發展及安全觀。 人類安全概念經聯合國開發計畫署闡述後，受到國際社會之重視與推展，其實踐需結合全球治理與全球公民社會之理念，經由保障及自授權力兩途徑，使人們之自由與安全受到保障，並有能力維護自身與他人權益。國際上，以闡述並推行人類安全為宗旨之國際性組織與委員會相繼成立，聯合國中亦有人類安全信託基金之設置，對概念之研究與計畫之推動均有相當大的貢獻。而在各個國家中，以加拿大和日本推行人類安全成效最為卓著，在提升免於恐懼及免於匱乏的自由上，均有相當大之進展。 台灣身處軍事敏感地區，一方面有全球化下各國非傳統安全問題跨越國界之威脅，一方面亦有自身內部經濟、社會等領域之安全考量，為提升台灣人民之自由、安全與福祉並與國際社會接軌，台灣應以人類安全為基礎，結合非政府組織與公民社會力量，積極參與國際議程設定，與國際社會對話，維護自身生存與權益，負起推動並維護人類永續發展之責。 本論文從歷史發展過程，探討人類安全及相關概念，在安全概念之演變部分，首先探討傳統安全概念、後冷戰時期國際局勢之演變以及非傳統安全問題之顯現，接著介紹聯合國開發計畫署1994年之《人類發展報告》、以人類安全為主題之國際各大會議與國際組織的討論，以及聯合國相關組織與人類安全之關連，並對聯合國所扮演之角色提出建議。 在人類安全概念內涵部分，首先介紹國際組織、加拿大、日本及學者們對人類安全之定義，其次介紹人類安全之指標、人類安全與其他安全概念（如合作安全、綜合安全）之區分，最後則闡述人類安全與人權概念間之關係。 在人類安全的實踐部分，首先介紹人類安全之實踐途徑與方法、全球治理理念與全球公民社會之概念、亞洲國家對人類安全之觀點、在國際上對人類安全的實踐以及人類安全之爭議。 在人類安全與台灣部分，提出台灣所面臨之各類威脅，並引用人類發展指數相關概念介紹台灣發展現況，以及介紹加拿大與日本以人類安全觀點為基礎之外交政策及實踐成果，希望對於台灣人類安全之推動能有所啟發。 / After the end of the Cold War, people started to rethink the definition of safety. The traditional view of security was no longer capable of dealing with serious global crises and other daily non-military problems. The study of Security extends from national defense and military affairs to such fields as Economy, Society, Politics, and Environment among others; its target also expands from that of the state to the international, the social, and the personal. The new view of Security has been given a gradual increase of attention. Among such, Human Security, which is the improvement of the safety and welfare of individuals and the entire mankind, accords with the view of people-centered development and the view of people-centered security that the United Nations and the international community emphasize most. After explaining the concept of Human Security in the United Nations Development Programme, it received the international society’s attention and impetus—the practice of which requires the effort combination of the whole world and the global civil society, via the ways of protection and empowering, in order to guarantee the freedom and security of mankind, allowing every person to have the ability to safeguard one's own and others' rights and interests. On the international level, international organizations and committees with the purpose of explaining and promoting Human Security have been established in succession. Furthermore, the Trust Fund for Human Security has also been established in the United Nations. Such establishments have exhibited sizable contributions to the research of the concept of Human Security and practice of relevant plans. On the national level, Canada and Japan pursued the issue of Human Security and thus had the most effective and immense progress in promoting the freedom from fear and the freedom from want. Taiwan is located within a military sensitive area. In addition, globalization also contributes to threats on non-traditional security matters across national boundaries of several nations. Furthermore, Taiwan must also possess considerations about its internal safety on the economical, social, and cultural level. In order to improve the freedom, the security, and the welfare of Taiwanese civilians and to integrate Taiwan into the international community, Taiwan should undertake Human Security as its foundation for the combination of non-government organizations (NGO) and civil society forces, so as to actively participate in the international agenda, communicate with the international community, maintain its security and its, rights and interests, and shoulder the responsibility to safeguard the sustainable development of human beings. This thesis looks into the concept of Human Security via historical analysis. In the section regarding the concept of the development of security, this thesis explores into the traditional concepts of security, the development of the international situation during the post-Cold War era, and the appearance of non-traditional security issues. Consecutively, this thesis will introduce the " Human Development Report " of the United Nations Development Programme in 1994; it will also present the discussion of the theme of Human Security by international organizations and other great meetings of the world, Finally, this section closes with the issue on about the relationship between United Nations’ relevant organizations and Human Security, and a suggestion on United Nations’ role. The section of the concept of Human Security introduces the definition of Human Security given by scholars, international organizations, Canada, and Japan. The introduction of the index of Human Security and the explanation of the relationship between the concept of Human Security and the concept of human rights will follow. The following section—the practice of Human Security — introduces the ways and methods to practice Human Security, the concept of global governance and global civil society, Asian’s view on Human Security, the practice of Human Security on the international level, and the disputes of Human Security. In the section about the relationship of Taiwan and Human Security, this thesis puts forward all kinds of threats that Taiwan faces, quoting the relevant concepts of human development index, and recommends Taiwan’s present development situation. It also introduces foreign policy and practice achievement of Canada and Japan which are based on Human Security view, with the hope that those can inspire the promotion and the impetus of Human Security in Taiwan.