The main goal of this research is to clarify the concept of “middle power” and to employ the idea to understand the diplomatic strategies that allow so called secondary powers, which are countries without substantial national power, to actively exercise remarkable influence in international politics. In general understanding, this diplomacy is called “middle power diplomacy” or “middlepowermanship” which particularly means diplomacy excising influence and taking international initiative through international co-operation and regimes. This diplomacy is distinguishable in that it is not based on overwhelming national power such as military power, but on persuasion and reconciling with other actors. By such activities, some secondary countries achieved considerable involvement, strong influence, and impressive positive reputation in the world despite their intermediate or small national power. This research examines in what conditions some of these secondary powers can employ this type of active international policies and show remarkable influence in certain international issues. Research for this project involved three processes of examination in five chapters on the topic of middlepowemanship, presented in five chapters. Part I of the thesis contains history and literature review of the idea “middle power”. Based on the review of history and literature, this research assumes the middle power diplomacy or middlepowermanship in this research has theoretically four main features. Firstly middlepowermanship means taking leadership employing cooperation with other actors, including other countries and international organizations, and international institutions rather than just its own national power. Secondly, this type of leadership tends to be entrepreneurial or intellectual leadership, which does not always require massive national power and resource input. Thirdly, this diplomatic option is basically available to very wide range of countries, classified as “possible middle powers” in this research, as one of the policy options. Fourthly, the country applying middle power diplomacy does not always describe itself as “middle power”; in addition, the country calling itself “middle power” is not always conducting middle power diplomacy. The political rhetoric “middle power” and middle power diplomacy is not always inter-related. Lastly, only under certain conditions this policy is chosen and successfully practiced. One distinguishable feature of this research is that it is assuming the neither “possible middle powers” nor self-indicated middle powers always apply middle power diplomacy. The “possible middle powers” have middlepowermanship strategy as an available option. The “possible middle powers” have middlepowermanship strategy as an available option and decide whether middlepowemanship strategy is practicable and effective or not on a case by case basis. This research suggested that if “possible middle powers” seek to show strong influence and leadership, they have to select issues and approaches which their limited diplomatic resource can accomplish. For this selection of issues, firstly, there needs to be domestic agreement. In other words, domestic support and available diplomatic resource have to become available on the right political timing. Particularly for “possible middle powers” the constraints and available resources strongly affect the countries’ approaches to the large scale international policy and new projects. Secondly, “possible middle powers” need to persuade other international actors for support and co-operation to excise international leadership because of their limited national and diplomatic capability. In Chapter 5 of this thesis, a case study is presented on Japanese diplomacy on the idea “human security”. Japanese active policies under the name of human security were middlepowemanship because of the three following features. Firstly, Japanese human security policy has been conducted in cooperation with the United Nations and other countries. Secondly, the Japanese government was seeking the entrepreneurial leadership and influence in these policies. Thirdly, the government consistently put emphasis on the aspect of “freedom from want” of human security and limited its initiative to economy related issues. This case study focuses on factors underlying the policy decision choosing middlepowermanship. Prime Minister Obuchi’s leadership backed up his intellectual advisors who were supporting the idea of “human security” matched the political timing brought by the Asian financial crisis and the Ottawa Process in 1997. The constraints and available diplomatic resources led the Japanese government to take the middlepowermanship approach. The government had certain constraints due to the constitutional restraints in military activities and complexity of relationships with neighboring countries. These restrictions on the approaches resulted in Japan pursuing limited initiative only on economy related issues even though the idea of human security contains “freedom from want” and “freedom from fear.” Combining with the existing Japanese Official Development Assistance (ODA) policies and upcoming ODA policy reform realized the human security as a large scale international initiative, such as the Trust Found for Human Security. In the international sphere, support from other countries and the UN made it possible for Japan to conduct such large scale international policy conducted by Japan.

The main goal of this research is to clarify the concept of “middle power” and to employ the idea to understand the diplomatic strategies that allow so called secondary powers, which are countries without substantial national power, to actively exercise remarkable influence in international politics. In general understanding, this diplomacy is called “middle power diplomacy” or “middlepowermanship” which particularly means diplomacy excising influence and taking international initiative through international co-operation and regimes. This diplomacy is distinguishable in that it is not based on overwhelming national power such as military power, but on persuasion and reconciling with other actors. By such activities, some secondary countries achieved considerable involvement, strong influence, and impressive positive reputation in the world despite their intermediate or small national power. This research examines in what conditions some of these secondary powers can employ this type of active international policies and show remarkable influence in certain international issues. Research for this project involved three processes of examination in five chapters on the topic of middlepowemanship, presented in five chapters. Part I of the thesis contains history and literature review of the idea “middle power”. Based on the review of history and literature, this research assumes the middle power diplomacy or middlepowermanship in this research has theoretically four main features. Firstly middlepowermanship means taking leadership employing cooperation with other actors, including other countries and international organizations, and international institutions rather than just its own national power. Secondly, this type of leadership tends to be entrepreneurial or intellectual leadership, which does not always require massive national power and resource input. Thirdly, this diplomatic option is basically available to very wide range of countries, classified as “possible middle powers” in this research, as one of the policy options. Fourthly, the country applying middle power diplomacy does not always describe itself as “middle power”; in addition, the country calling itself “middle power” is not always conducting middle power diplomacy. The political rhetoric “middle power” and middle power diplomacy is not always inter-related. Lastly, only under certain conditions this policy is chosen and successfully practiced. One distinguishable feature of this research is that it is assuming the neither “possible middle powers” nor self-indicated middle powers always apply middle power diplomacy. The “possible middle powers” have middlepowermanship strategy as an available option. The “possible middle powers” have middlepowermanship strategy as an available option and decide whether middlepowemanship strategy is practicable and effective or not on a case by case basis. This research suggested that if “possible middle powers” seek to show strong influence and leadership, they have to select issues and approaches which their limited diplomatic resource can accomplish. For this selection of issues, firstly, there needs to be domestic agreement. In other words, domestic support and available diplomatic resource have to become available on the right political timing. Particularly for “possible middle powers” the constraints and available resources strongly affect the countries’ approaches to the large scale international policy and new projects. Secondly, “possible middle powers” need to persuade other international actors for support and co-operation to excise international leadership because of their limited national and diplomatic capability. In Chapter 5 of this thesis, a case study is presented on Japanese diplomacy on the idea “human security”. Japanese active policies under the name of human security were middlepowemanship because of the three following features. Firstly, Japanese human security policy has been conducted in cooperation with the United Nations and other countries. Secondly, the Japanese government was seeking the entrepreneurial leadership and influence in these policies. Thirdly, the government consistently put emphasis on the aspect of “freedom from want” of human security and limited its initiative to economy related issues. This case study focuses on factors underlying the policy decision choosing middlepowermanship. Prime Minister Obuchi’s leadership backed up his intellectual advisors who were supporting the idea of “human security” matched the political timing brought by the Asian financial crisis and the Ottawa Process in 1997. The constraints and available diplomatic resources led the Japanese government to take the middlepowermanship approach. The government had certain constraints due to the constitutional restraints in military activities and complexity of relationships with neighboring countries. These restrictions on the approaches resulted in Japan pursuing limited initiative only on economy related issues even though the idea of human security contains “freedom from want” and “freedom from fear.” Combining with the existing Japanese Official Development Assistance (ODA) policies and upcoming ODA policy reform realized the human security as a large scale international initiative, such as the Trust Found for Human Security. In the international sphere, support from other countries and the UN made it possible for Japan to conduct such large scale international policy conducted by Japan.

The world is currently experiencing a power transition along with China's rise as a superpower. The decline of the United States as the unipolar world-leader is one of the great debates in international relations theory. However, this debate has focused on great powers and left out the role of the middle powers. In this thesis, the premise is that middle powers have an influential position in the world order. Among these, Sweden has had little scholarly attention. This thesis analysed Sweden's middle power role and policy formulations with respect to China, and how these two dimensions have changed over the period 2001-2019. By combining middlepower theory with role theory, a content analysis of government documents is conducted in a longitudinal study. The results indicated that Sweden increasingly focuses on its role of supporting the liberal world order, compared to the emphasis on its role of good international citizenship in 2001. Sweden's tone on China also showed increasingly cautious expressions over time. This shift in Sweden's middle power role is of significance since middle powers mostly hedge as a response to China's rise. The study of middle powers contributes to the broader question of how we can understand China's rise.

This thesis examines the case of Mexico as middle power. More precisely, it tries to see what were the limitations and possibilities that Mexico faced in the period 2000-2012, while trying to engage more in the international system and rise its international profile. The PAN governments that were in power at that time devoted much of their energy trying to better international position of Mexico, and implicitly the thesis will answer the question of how successful were their strategies.

This dissertation examines South Korea as an emergent middle power in East Asia, and how this is being reflected on its diplomatic behavior in relation to the processes of regionalism. The literature of middle powers suggests that countries such as South Korea can play useful roles to promote cooperation in several specific areas. In East Asia, the need for regional institutionalization became evident since the Asian Financial Crisis (AFC) of 1997-98, yet the attempts of China and Japan for regional leadership are often viewed as problematic. Hence, this research confirmed its main hypothesis which points to South Korea as a capable middle power to lead East Asian regionalism. Thus, in those particular instances where Korea has chosen to display middlepowermanship – as a catalyst, facilitator and/or manager of regionalist projects – the advancement in the processes of regional institutionalization in East Asia was generally observed. In doing so, this research looked into South Korea’s foreign policy behavior towards East Asian regional processes and towards Northeast Asia as a subregion. Regional institution-building attempts, as well as the creation of regional governance were the main aspects observed; hence this research falls within the theoretical boundaries of international political economy and international relations. Neoliberal theories related to neo-functionalism, institutionalism and especially inter-governmentalism were considered to understand regionalism, while preferring a constructivist point of view to explain the relations among states. A qualitative type of methodology was favored, including interviews with policy-makers and experts, as well as archival research of primary and secondary sources. Ultimately, this study has both practical and theoretical contributions, since the literature on middle powers does not often consider applications to regionalism, a process which is usually advanced and led by great powers. Thus, study conclusions suggest several improved practical understandings of East Asian regionalism in general, recommendations for its continuing advancement and possible future strategies for South Korea’s role in it as the regional middle power. / This dissertation examines South Korea as an emergent middle power in East Asia, and how this is being reflected on its diplomatic behavior in relation to the processes of regionalism. The literature of middle powers suggests that countries such as South Korea can play useful roles to promote cooperation in several specific areas. In East Asia, the need for regional institutionalization became evident since the Asian Financial Crisis (AFC) of 1997-98, yet the attempts of China and Japan for regional leadership are often viewed as problematic. Hence, this research confirmed its main hypothesis which points to South Korea as a capable middle power to lead East Asian regionalism. Thus, in those particular instances where Korea has chosen to display middlepowermanship – as a catalyst, facilitator and/or manager of regionalist projects – the advancement in the processes of regional institutionalization in East Asia was generally observed. In doing so, this research looked into South Korea’s foreign policy behavior towards East Asian regional processes and towards Northeast Asia as a subregion. Regional institution-building attempts, as well as the creation of regional governance were the main aspects observed; hence this research falls within the theoretical boundaries of international political economy and international relations. Neoliberal theories related to neo-functionalism, institutionalism and especially inter-governmentalism were considered to understand regionalism, while preferring a constructivist point of view to explain the relations among states. A qualitative type of methodology was favored, including interviews with policy-makers and experts, as well as archival research of primary and secondary sources. Ultimately, this study has both practical and theoretical contributions, since the literature on middle powers does not often consider applications to regionalism, a process which is usually advanced and led by great powers. Thus, study conclusions suggest several improved practical understandings of East Asian regionalism in general, recommendations for its continuing advancement and possible future strategies for South Korea’s role in it as the regional middle power.

The main aim of this dissertation is to understand the change of Turkish state identity related to foreign policy behaviors after the collapse of the Cold War structure. The research question of this dissertation is why and how Turkey has constructed middle power identity, which is based on liberal foreign policies. This dissertation examines two main purposes. First purpose is to analyze AKP&rsquo / s liberalism based middle power policies from 2005 to 2010 toward the Middle East. In this dissertation, the liberal policies based on middle power are defined as implementing functional diplomacy, mediation role, niche di plomacy, coalition diplomacy, and norm diffusion. Second purpose is to understand the process of how the state constructs its policies. To that end, this dissertation takes notice of state identity, which is constructed by changes of circumstances, norms, state self-perception, and the perceptions of others. This dissertation assumes that the concept of middle power is one of Turkey&rsquo / s state identities in the area of foreign policy. Turkey&rsquo / s middle power behaviors make Turkey consciously aware of its middle power status. This dissertation analyzes the existence of two steps that are pathways for Turkey to understand itself as a liberal middle power in the international arena. The first step is to analyze the policies of &Ouml / zal, Erbakan and Cem. The second step is to examine AKP&rsquo / s foreign policy experiences and ideas, especially the ideas of Ahmet Davutoglu.

This dissertation examines Canada’s nuclear export and non-proliferation policy. It demonstrates that contrary to the received wisdom on nuclear behaviour, Canada does not think ‘strategically’ in the nuclear field. I argue that while the decision-making of great powers may be straightforward in the nuclear field, non-great powers can afford to be more ambivalent and even less cautious. The focus of the dissertation is on Canada’s nuclear export decisions from the 1950s to the late 1970s. My contention is that middle powers, like Canada, are rarely influenced by military-strategic interests, but that they, nonetheless, act according to their own particular self-interests when determining whether or not to export nuclear materials and technology. In looking at Canada’s nuclear decision-making from its entry into the nuclear age until the late 1970s, the dissertation offers three findings. First, Canada does not make decisions that fit a military-strategic calculus. Second, Canada is often ambivalent in the nuclear field. I argue that Canada can afford to be ambivalent because constraints on its decision-making do not stem primarily from security concerns or existential threats but from beliefs as to what Canada should do and should be in global affairs. Finally, Canada’s nuclear export and non-proliferation policies have been defined primarily by its place – both real and imagined – in the world as a middle power. The argument rests on insights draw from liberal IR theory as well as domestic politics explanations of nuclear behaviour. My contention is that Canada’s decision-making has been influenced by domestically held beliefs and perceptions of its identity – that is, where Canada ranks on the figurative power spectrum and what values it professes in relation to other actors in the international system. My research thus makes a contribution to the literature on nuclear supply and on the broader literature on nuclear behaviour, more generally.

A presente tese possui como tema o estudo da inserção internacional de países intermediários no Sistema Multilateral de Comércio (SMC). Devido à existência de variadas maneiras de categorizar os países que compõem o estrato intermediário do Sistema Internacional (SI), entendeu-se como apropriado o foco no protagonismo internacional das Potências Médias para essa categorização. Dentro deste contexto, a instituição do Acordo Geral sobre Tarifas e Comércio (GATT) além de unir uma gama diversificada de países, também representou a criação de um local propício para a atuação de países de segunda ordem em uma conjuntura política e econômica internacional carente de nichos de oportunidades para protagonismos que não de potências hegemônicas. Ademais, observou-se que a partir de dado momento histórico, determinados países em desenvolvimento de reconhecido protagonismo, cristalizaram em suas atuações comportamentos que passaram a ser rotulados como sendo de Potência Média. Desta forma, considerando este cenário e aceitando o travamento da Rodada de Doha da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) como um momento decisivo para a afirmação do papel de determinados países na estruturação do atual SMC, elaborou-se o seguinte problema de pesquisa: Existem elementos teóricos e empíricos que corroboram o resgate e (re)definição do conceito de Potência Média no mundo contemporâneo? A busca por esta resposta suscitou outra questão derivada dela: É possível afirmar que atualmente se observam determinados países praticando protagonismos que podem ser considerados como sendo de Potência Média? Para responder estas questões, realizou-se: (a) uma revisão bibliográfica sobre os esforços da literatura para a categorização de países intermediários no SI; (b) a construção de um modelo para o enquadramento de países no conceito de Potência Média; (c) uma análise da evolução histórica, e das dinâmicas econômicas e políticas que foram determinantes para a condução e moldagem do SMC; e (d) a aplicação dos parâmetros para o enquadramento de países no conceito de Potência Média através do modelo proposto na presente tese. Os resultados encontrados sugerem que Argentina e Brasil foram os países que melhor atenderam os requisitos exigidos pelo modelo para o enquadramento de países no conceito de Potência Média. A utilização de critérios menos restritos dentro do modelo proposto possibilita o enquadramento de Chile, Índia, Indonésia e Colômbia, ao lado de Brasil e Argentina, no grupo das Potências Médias. / This thesis has as its theme the study of the international insertion of intermediate countries in the Multilateral Trading System (MTS). Due to the fact that there are different ways to categorize the countries that make up the intermediate stratum of the International System (IS), it was understood as appropriate for this categorization to focus on the international behavior of Middle Powers. Within this context, the establishment of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) promoted, in addition to the union of a diverse range of countries, the creation of an auspicious place for the performance of second-tier countries in a political context lacking niches of opportunities for protagonists that are not hegemonic powers. Moreover, it was observed that from a given historical moment, certain developing countries with a widely recognized international role, crystallized in their performances behaviors which are now labeled as those of Middle Powers. Thus, considering this scenario and accepting the locking of the Doha Round of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as a turning point for the affirmation of the role of certain countries in structuring the current MTS, the following research problem was elaborated: Are there theoretical and empirical elements that support the rescue and (re)definition of the Middle Power concept in the modern world? The search for this answer raised another question derived from it: Can it be said that currently certain countries are practicing protagonisms that can be considered to be of a Middle Power? To answer these questions, we took the following steps: (a) a review of the literature efforts for the categorization of intermediate countries in the IS; (b) the construction of a model for the classification of countries within the concept of Middle Power; (c) an analysis of the historical evolution and the economic and political dynamics that were crucial to driving and shaping the MTS; and (d) the application of the criteria for classification of countries into the concept of Middle Power through the model proposed in this thesis. The results suggest that Argentina and Brazil were the countries that better fit the requirements of the model for classification of countries in the concept of Middle Power. The use of less restrictive criteria within the proposed model enables the framing of Chile, Índia, Indonesia and Colombia, along with Brazil and Argentina, in the group of Middle Powers.

A presente tese possui como tema o estudo da inserção internacional de países intermediários no Sistema Multilateral de Comércio (SMC). Devido à existência de variadas maneiras de categorizar os países que compõem o estrato intermediário do Sistema Internacional (SI), entendeu-se como apropriado o foco no protagonismo internacional das Potências Médias para essa categorização. Dentro deste contexto, a instituição do Acordo Geral sobre Tarifas e Comércio (GATT) além de unir uma gama diversificada de países, também representou a criação de um local propício para a atuação de países de segunda ordem em uma conjuntura política e econômica internacional carente de nichos de oportunidades para protagonismos que não de potências hegemônicas. Ademais, observou-se que a partir de dado momento histórico, determinados países em desenvolvimento de reconhecido protagonismo, cristalizaram em suas atuações comportamentos que passaram a ser rotulados como sendo de Potência Média. Desta forma, considerando este cenário e aceitando o travamento da Rodada de Doha da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) como um momento decisivo para a afirmação do papel de determinados países na estruturação do atual SMC, elaborou-se o seguinte problema de pesquisa: Existem elementos teóricos e empíricos que corroboram o resgate e (re)definição do conceito de Potência Média no mundo contemporâneo? A busca por esta resposta suscitou outra questão derivada dela: É possível afirmar que atualmente se observam determinados países praticando protagonismos que podem ser considerados como sendo de Potência Média? Para responder estas questões, realizou-se: (a) uma revisão bibliográfica sobre os esforços da literatura para a categorização de países intermediários no SI; (b) a construção de um modelo para o enquadramento de países no conceito de Potência Média; (c) uma análise da evolução histórica, e das dinâmicas econômicas e políticas que foram determinantes para a condução e moldagem do SMC; e (d) a aplicação dos parâmetros para o enquadramento de países no conceito de Potência Média através do modelo proposto na presente tese. Os resultados encontrados sugerem que Argentina e Brasil foram os países que melhor atenderam os requisitos exigidos pelo modelo para o enquadramento de países no conceito de Potência Média. A utilização de critérios menos restritos dentro do modelo proposto possibilita o enquadramento de Chile, Índia, Indonésia e Colômbia, ao lado de Brasil e Argentina, no grupo das Potências Médias. / This thesis has as its theme the study of the international insertion of intermediate countries in the Multilateral Trading System (MTS). Due to the fact that there are different ways to categorize the countries that make up the intermediate stratum of the International System (IS), it was understood as appropriate for this categorization to focus on the international behavior of Middle Powers. Within this context, the establishment of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) promoted, in addition to the union of a diverse range of countries, the creation of an auspicious place for the performance of second-tier countries in a political context lacking niches of opportunities for protagonists that are not hegemonic powers. Moreover, it was observed that from a given historical moment, certain developing countries with a widely recognized international role, crystallized in their performances behaviors which are now labeled as those of Middle Powers. Thus, considering this scenario and accepting the locking of the Doha Round of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as a turning point for the affirmation of the role of certain countries in structuring the current MTS, the following research problem was elaborated: Are there theoretical and empirical elements that support the rescue and (re)definition of the Middle Power concept in the modern world? The search for this answer raised another question derived from it: Can it be said that currently certain countries are practicing protagonisms that can be considered to be of a Middle Power? To answer these questions, we took the following steps: (a) a review of the literature efforts for the categorization of intermediate countries in the IS; (b) the construction of a model for the classification of countries within the concept of Middle Power; (c) an analysis of the historical evolution and the economic and political dynamics that were crucial to driving and shaping the MTS; and (d) the application of the criteria for classification of countries into the concept of Middle Power through the model proposed in this thesis. The results suggest that Argentina and Brazil were the countries that better fit the requirements of the model for classification of countries in the concept of Middle Power. The use of less restrictive criteria within the proposed model enables the framing of Chile, Índia, Indonesia and Colombia, along with Brazil and Argentina, in the group of Middle Powers.

A presente tese possui como tema o estudo da inserção internacional de países intermediários no Sistema Multilateral de Comércio (SMC). Devido à existência de variadas maneiras de categorizar os países que compõem o estrato intermediário do Sistema Internacional (SI), entendeu-se como apropriado o foco no protagonismo internacional das Potências Médias para essa categorização. Dentro deste contexto, a instituição do Acordo Geral sobre Tarifas e Comércio (GATT) além de unir uma gama diversificada de países, também representou a criação de um local propício para a atuação de países de segunda ordem em uma conjuntura política e econômica internacional carente de nichos de oportunidades para protagonismos que não de potências hegemônicas. Ademais, observou-se que a partir de dado momento histórico, determinados países em desenvolvimento de reconhecido protagonismo, cristalizaram em suas atuações comportamentos que passaram a ser rotulados como sendo de Potência Média. Desta forma, considerando este cenário e aceitando o travamento da Rodada de Doha da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) como um momento decisivo para a afirmação do papel de determinados países na estruturação do atual SMC, elaborou-se o seguinte problema de pesquisa: Existem elementos teóricos e empíricos que corroboram o resgate e (re)definição do conceito de Potência Média no mundo contemporâneo? A busca por esta resposta suscitou outra questão derivada dela: É possível afirmar que atualmente se observam determinados países praticando protagonismos que podem ser considerados como sendo de Potência Média? Para responder estas questões, realizou-se: (a) uma revisão bibliográfica sobre os esforços da literatura para a categorização de países intermediários no SI; (b) a construção de um modelo para o enquadramento de países no conceito de Potência Média; (c) uma análise da evolução histórica, e das dinâmicas econômicas e políticas que foram determinantes para a condução e moldagem do SMC; e (d) a aplicação dos parâmetros para o enquadramento de países no conceito de Potência Média através do modelo proposto na presente tese. Os resultados encontrados sugerem que Argentina e Brasil foram os países que melhor atenderam os requisitos exigidos pelo modelo para o enquadramento de países no conceito de Potência Média. A utilização de critérios menos restritos dentro do modelo proposto possibilita o enquadramento de Chile, Índia, Indonésia e Colômbia, ao lado de Brasil e Argentina, no grupo das Potências Médias. / This thesis has as its theme the study of the international insertion of intermediate countries in the Multilateral Trading System (MTS). Due to the fact that there are different ways to categorize the countries that make up the intermediate stratum of the International System (IS), it was understood as appropriate for this categorization to focus on the international behavior of Middle Powers. Within this context, the establishment of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) promoted, in addition to the union of a diverse range of countries, the creation of an auspicious place for the performance of second-tier countries in a political context lacking niches of opportunities for protagonists that are not hegemonic powers. Moreover, it was observed that from a given historical moment, certain developing countries with a widely recognized international role, crystallized in their performances behaviors which are now labeled as those of Middle Powers. Thus, considering this scenario and accepting the locking of the Doha Round of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as a turning point for the affirmation of the role of certain countries in structuring the current MTS, the following research problem was elaborated: Are there theoretical and empirical elements that support the rescue and (re)definition of the Middle Power concept in the modern world? The search for this answer raised another question derived from it: Can it be said that currently certain countries are practicing protagonisms that can be considered to be of a Middle Power? To answer these questions, we took the following steps: (a) a review of the literature efforts for the categorization of intermediate countries in the IS; (b) the construction of a model for the classification of countries within the concept of Middle Power; (c) an analysis of the historical evolution and the economic and political dynamics that were crucial to driving and shaping the MTS; and (d) the application of the criteria for classification of countries into the concept of Middle Power through the model proposed in this thesis. The results suggest that Argentina and Brazil were the countries that better fit the requirements of the model for classification of countries in the concept of Middle Power. The use of less restrictive criteria within the proposed model enables the framing of Chile, Índia, Indonesia and Colombia, along with Brazil and Argentina, in the group of Middle Powers.