Amidst intense port competition in Northeast Asia, competitiveness in port operations is a critical issue in adopting and implementing sustainability practice that incorporate economic, environmental, social and operational perspectives. Notwithstanding the importance of sustainability practice for sustainable port operations, very few studies have investigated its links with operational sustainability and competitiveness. For this reason, in order to encourage the proactive adoption and implementation of sustainability practice in port operations, this study aims to analyse the role of sustainability practice in managing competitiveness and continuous improvements in operational performance, based on mega container ports operations. To address this issue, this study adopted a two-phase research design which incorporates a preliminary field study and empirical research. At first, to understand the specific and general features of sustainability practice in commercial port operations, preliminary field work through semi-structured face-to-face interviews were undertaken. Interviews validated the attributes of sustainability practice in the container port operational context, investigating the relevant issues. Thereafter, based on data collected from 203 organisations engaged in container port operations in Northeast Asia, the feasible relationships among sustainability practice, competitiveness and performance were analysed using hierarchical moderator regression analysis in SPSS 21. Finally, the results revealed that sustainability practice has a significant contribution as a moderator to the relationship between competitiveness, particularly in operational efficiency and service quality, and operational performance. The two-phase research design made it possible to define and validate the role of sustainability practice in managing the relationship between competitiveness and performance. With regard to theory, this study has placed the case of Northeast Asia in a global context. Secondly, the direct relationships between determinants of megaport competitiveness and performance in the context of container port operations were verified. Thirdly, the specific routes, what is achievable and how sustainability practice contributes to enhancing the relationships between determinants of megaport competitiveness and operational performance, were revealed in a container port operational context. For the ports industries, this study has provided useful insights to establish strategies for sustainable port operations and a strategic agenda to assist ports to incorporate sustainability practice, providing evidence that this will contribute to enhancing their overall competitiveness. The findings are expected to be utilised further in future studies on sustainable port development and operations, as well as to provide guidance for port operators in its future improvement strategy.

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This dissertation examines South Korea as an emergent middle power in East Asia, and how this is being reflected on its diplomatic behavior in relation to the processes of regionalism. The literature of middle powers suggests that countries such as South Korea can play useful roles to promote cooperation in several specific areas. In East Asia, the need for regional institutionalization became evident since the Asian Financial Crisis (AFC) of 1997-98, yet the attempts of China and Japan for regional leadership are often viewed as problematic. Hence, this research confirmed its main hypothesis which points to South Korea as a capable middle power to lead East Asian regionalism. Thus, in those particular instances where Korea has chosen to display middlepowermanship – as a catalyst, facilitator and/or manager of regionalist projects – the advancement in the processes of regional institutionalization in East Asia was generally observed. In doing so, this research looked into South Korea’s foreign policy behavior towards East Asian regional processes and towards Northeast Asia as a subregion. Regional institution-building attempts, as well as the creation of regional governance were the main aspects observed; hence this research falls within the theoretical boundaries of international political economy and international relations. Neoliberal theories related to neo-functionalism, institutionalism and especially inter-governmentalism were considered to understand regionalism, while preferring a constructivist point of view to explain the relations among states. A qualitative type of methodology was favored, including interviews with policy-makers and experts, as well as archival research of primary and secondary sources. Ultimately, this study has both practical and theoretical contributions, since the literature on middle powers does not often consider applications to regionalism, a process which is usually advanced and led by great powers. Thus, study conclusions suggest several improved practical understandings of East Asian regionalism in general, recommendations for its continuing advancement and possible future strategies for South Korea’s role in it as the regional middle power. / This dissertation examines South Korea as an emergent middle power in East Asia, and how this is being reflected on its diplomatic behavior in relation to the processes of regionalism. The literature of middle powers suggests that countries such as South Korea can play useful roles to promote cooperation in several specific areas. In East Asia, the need for regional institutionalization became evident since the Asian Financial Crisis (AFC) of 1997-98, yet the attempts of China and Japan for regional leadership are often viewed as problematic. Hence, this research confirmed its main hypothesis which points to South Korea as a capable middle power to lead East Asian regionalism. Thus, in those particular instances where Korea has chosen to display middlepowermanship – as a catalyst, facilitator and/or manager of regionalist projects – the advancement in the processes of regional institutionalization in East Asia was generally observed. In doing so, this research looked into South Korea’s foreign policy behavior towards East Asian regional processes and towards Northeast Asia as a subregion. Regional institution-building attempts, as well as the creation of regional governance were the main aspects observed; hence this research falls within the theoretical boundaries of international political economy and international relations. Neoliberal theories related to neo-functionalism, institutionalism and especially inter-governmentalism were considered to understand regionalism, while preferring a constructivist point of view to explain the relations among states. A qualitative type of methodology was favored, including interviews with policy-makers and experts, as well as archival research of primary and secondary sources. Ultimately, this study has both practical and theoretical contributions, since the literature on middle powers does not often consider applications to regionalism, a process which is usually advanced and led by great powers. Thus, study conclusions suggest several improved practical understandings of East Asian regionalism in general, recommendations for its continuing advancement and possible future strategies for South Korea’s role in it as the regional middle power.

In the current international environment characterized by globalization and regionalization, the importance of the transport and logistics system integration which is the basis of regional economic cooperation has been highlighted. Northeast Asian Region which covers 5.7% of the total world’s area and has around 25.8% of the total world’s population has been one of the most active regions of economic and social development in recent two decades largely due to the emergence of China and Russia in the world market. However, different from the EU which provides an excellent example of economic and transport integration, the transport and logistics system in Northeast Asia still has massive room for improvement. The concept of transportation corridor construction has been adopted in the research and the five most important international transportation corridors in Northeast Asia have been fully examined in terms of current situation and major problems and issues. The major issues include inadequate and imbalanced transportation infrastructure, lack of funding as well as insufficient institutional mechanisms. Consequently, the policy and action plans in four sectors are formulated to improve the performance of the transport and logistics system in Northeast Asia. The current research was facilitated by experts mainly from the transport and logistics field in Northeast Asia, through the application of the Delphi Method. The consensus achieved will provide useful guidance for building a well integrated transport and logistics system in Northeast Asia. The political and economic stability of North Korea is a prerequisite for transport and logistics system construction in Northeast Asia. Furthermore, improving basic transport infrastructure, promoting logistics and transport facilities, building a logistics cooperation system and training logistics specialists are the four most important aspects for the development of the transport and logistics system in the region.

Thesis advisor: Kenji Hayao / This paper uses a case study approach to analyze changes in Japan's post-Cold War security policy. While many observers feel that these changes are the result of the 1997 Defense Guidelines Review, the argument forwarded here is that it is the result of a series of unique domestic circumstances in Japan. It traces these factors starting with the Persian Gulf War and then the War on Terrorism and the current North Korean nuclear crisis. Finally, this paper assesses the prospects for the future of Japan's security policy. While Japan will continue to be a strong ally for the United States, there are distinct limits on how far it will go to provide for collective security. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

本論文分為七章十九節，約十四萬字。第一章為本文的導論，文中分為四節，分別就研究動機與目的、研究途徑與架構、研究範圍與限制及資料來源與名詞解釋做一簡單扼要的說明。第二章探討影響中共外交深鉅的矛循世界觀，然後，再論述和平共處五原則與統一戰線兩項外交基本策略第三章為冷戰時期中共東北亞外交政策的回顧。文中從政治、經濟及軍事三個層面，依時間序列分別探討中共與美國、前蘇聯、日本及南北韓在冷戰時期的互動關係。第四章為後冷戰時期的東北亞國際關係結構。文中分為兩部份，第一節結構層次探討區域的四角關係權力結構、區域安全整合的困境及區域經濟合作的趨勢；第二節單元層次，分別探討美國東北亞角色的調整、俄羅斯對外政策的轉變、日本的政治大國理想、中共的軍備擴張及朝鮮半島的緩和與變遷。第五章為後冷戰時期中共東北亞外交政策。第一節首先論述影響中共東北亞外交政策的因素；第二節探討獨立自主及睦鄰友好兩項外交取向；第三節則探討反霸權主義的國家角色；第四節探討保障國家安全及實現四個現代化兩項政策目標。第六章為後冷戰時期中共與東北亞各國的互動關係。第一節探討中共與美國的人權與最惠國待遇爭議及中共與俄羅斯夥伴關係的建立；第二節探討中共與日本、南韓及俄羅斯的經貿合作關係；第三節則探討中共與俄羅斯軍事交流及中共在北韓核武危機中的角色與目標。第七章為本文的結論。文中將擷取歸納本論文各章的精華，對後冷戰時期中共東北亞外交政策，作一整體性的評估與展望。

This thesis aims at discussing the nature of relations between Russia and China and the Northeast Asian security during the post-Soviet era. The research question is whether Russia and Northeast Asian countries still pursue ideological policies after post-Cold War era. In this respect, the thesis argues that these countries act pragmatically instead of ideologically in the post-Cold War era. This has resulted in a rapprochement between communist China and post-Soviet Russia in the post-Soviet era. Moreover, ideological differences among any regional states do not constitute the basis of regional conflicts. It is rather North Korea&rsquo / s nuclear program that has become the main regional security threat. The thesis is composed of six chapters. After the introductionary chapter, the second chapter examines Russian-Chinese bilateral relations. The following three chapters discuss Russian-Chinese relations concerning the roles of Japan, South Korea and North Korea respectively in the Northeast Asian security. The last chapter is the conclusion.

This thesis asks why Japan decided to procure BMD if it meant building an infrastructure which, because of its technological nature, had the potential to disrupt Japan’s preferred security strategy of hedging, that is, maintaining ambiguity of commitment, vis-à-vis China and the US. The investigation was divided into three parts dealing with the following questions – Why did Japan's BMD procurement matter? Who mattered? Why were the BMD and related decisions made? Such a structure of research was informed by “neoclassical realism,” according to which the relative material power of a country sets the parameters of its foreign policy, but the policy choices within these international constraints are made by political elites. A range of policymaking heuristics were used to investigate the domestic element of the approach. In addition to the conventionally specified policymaking actors such as MOD, MOFA, Prime Ministers, an original attempt was made to identify the possible influences of several elite networks. On the basis of the notes from the Japan-US Security Strategy Conference, two elite networks were analysed, namely the Japan’s Congressional National Security Research Group and Japan-US Centre for Peace and Cultural Exchange. It was concluded that they have probably had some influence on shaping Japan's BMD decisions. The conclusion of this research is that BMD was procured despite its disruptive potential because it was a tool of shifting Japanese policy from one hedging policy to another, that is, from one based on self-imposed restraints toward one exercised from the position of military strength. An analysis of international relations in East Asia in 1994-2007 and an analysis of the views of the security elites make Japan's transition toward a military strength-based hedging appear rational and confirm BMD's utility as a tool in this transition. Some negative consequences of a possible disruption to hedging, induced by BMD, can be contained exactly because of such a reformatting of hedging.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / This thesis examines the U.S. policy for employing military forces across the globe. The major transformational trends in improving U.S. military capabilities over the past two decades, and the changing international security environment have impacted the way in which American leaders focus on the global military posture strategy. The American military interventions in Iraq, Kosovo and Afghanistan help determine whether the United States has demonstrated true global reach capability without the advantage of permanent forward operating bases. The Philippines-U.S relationship provides an opportunity to assess whether the United States has demonstrated the capability and commitment to defend its national interests and its ally and to maintain peace and stability despite the removal of major U.S. bases. U.S. capability and commitment may allow greater flexibility in choosing alternatives to the current policy of permanent forward basing around the globe.