Masters of Commerce / Highly enriched uranium (HEU) is one of the most dangerous materials in the world, because it is a key ingredient in making a nuclear bomb. If a terrorist organisation can get HEU, it would be close to making a nuclear bomb. After South Africa disarmed its nuclear weapons, it kept HEU that was extracted from the nuclear bombs. The US tried to persuade South Africa to blend down its HEU into low enriched uranium (LEU) or give it up for safekeeping. However, South Africa refused to give it up. After a breach at Pelindaba, a national key point facility where South Africa stores its HEU, the US intensified its efforts to pressure South Africa to give its HEU up. It even promised incentives to South Africa should they agree to give it up, but South Africa refused. The US used the nuclear terrorism narrative to justify its initiative to eliminate vulnerable materials in the world. However, South Africa is yet to be swayed. This is odd since South Africa's refusal can negatively affect its credentials as a nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament champion and its image as a norm entrepreneur. The objective of the study was to understand the role played by HEU in South Africa's nuclear diplomacy. It was to explore HEU as a factor in the state's nuclear diplomacy and to understand the power of having HEU in nuclear negotiations, as well as what SA intends to do with its HEU. The study is framed theoretically by drawing on foreign policy theory, namely middle-power theory, and revisionism. It juxtaposed middle power, reformist, and revisionist positions with status quo foreign policy to analyse the role of HEU in South Africa's nuclear diplomacy. As a middle power with a moral high ground, South Africa hoped that it can affect change in the nuclear regime. However, when this did not occur its foreign policy shifted to a revisionist character that is discontent with the status quo in the nuclear regime. SA is dissatisfied with the current nuclear order and wants it revised towards liberal values such as equality and non-discrimination. It views the current nuclear order as nuclear apartheid. Therefore, South Africa uses HEU as leverage against nuclear weapon states in nuclear diplomacy. It is using HEU as an act of defiance against nuclear weapon states (such as the US) that are yet to disarm their nuclear weapons.

Ce mémoire questionne l'influence internationale du Canada lors du Golden Age en fournissant une étude de cas de sa politique étrangère focalisée sur ses relations avec la France. Les institutions multilatérales constituaient la pierre angulaire de la politique extérieure canadienne; elles devaient lui conférer des contrepoids politiques et économiques pour s'autonomiser des États-Unis. Pour la France, ces institutions étaient souvent perçues comme une contrainte et elle cherchait à les affaiblir ou les réformer. Parallèlement, elle tentait de préserver son empire colonial et exigeait un appui occidental unanime. Elle fut l'allié occidental qui attaquait le plus systématiquement le projet canadien d'une politique étrangère reposant sur l'équilibre entre un engagement à l'OTAN et une politique ouvertement anticoloniale devant courtiser les pays non alignés du Commonwealth. Cette étude s'intéresse aux stratégies d'action d'une «puissance moyenne» qui tentait de désamorcer les crises interalliées et de réconcilier les dimensions contradictoires de sa propre politique extérieure. / This study questions Canadian international influence during the "Golden Age" by providing a case study of Canada's foreign policy in its relations with France. Multilateral institutions were the cornerstone of Canadian foreign policy; they were providing the politico-economic counterweights allowing Canadians to distance themselves from the United States. These institutions were often perceived as a constraint by the French, who consequently tried to weaken or reform them. Meanwhile, they were trying to preserve their colonial empire and were demanding unanimous occidental support. France became the most disturbing of Canada's allies, almost systematically attacking its foreign policy project, which consisted in trying to balance a firm commitment to NATO and an overtly anti-imperialist policy designed to seduce non aligned countries of the Commonwealth. This dissertation studies the strategies of a "middle power" trying to defuse the crisis between its allies and to reconcile the contradictory dimensions of its own external policy.

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This research focuses on understanding the defense industry of Sweden and the Republic of Korea (ROK), two middle powers renowned for advanced technology and weapon self-sufficiency. Previous studies have not explained why Sweden and Korea are competitive in the defense industry. This research aims to answer the question: What determinant factors have made ROK and Sweden to develop competitive defense industries on their own with sophisticated technology? The study seeks to enrich our understanding of the defense industry in Sweden and the ROK. Utilizing a case study approach, this research closely examines the specific contexts influencing the defense industries of these countries. The key findings are that Sweden needs to strike a balance by expanding government-led arms production facilities. In contrast, ROK needs to cooperate more actively with its allies, including the U.S. This thesis contributes by presenting future development directions based on the results.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Changes in world order have caused major shifts in the global positioning of states at the international level. The end of the Cold War ushered in a new power structure that shifted from a bipolar arrangement to a multipolar disposition. The emergence of this new world order allowed for emerging and developing states, such as Turkey, the opportunity to fill gaps left by the power vacuum created by the new multipolar power arrangement. This led the Turkish state on its path to become a middle power within the new world order. To assess the impact of changing world orders in the promotion of Turkey as a middle power in the new order, this study uses Coxian Critical Theory and the social relations of forces framework to account for Turkey’s middle power ascent. The framework developed by Robert Cox consists of three aspects, namely world orders, forms of state and the social relations of production. The change in world order both in the post-Cold War and post-2001 era has caused fundamental shifts within the Turkish state, both in terms of forms of state and in the social relations of production. Changes in the forms of state of the Turkish Republic following the end of the Cold War allowed for the creation of more robust civil society organizations, and a state that was transformed by the spread of international norms that originated at the world order level. International norms at the world order level not only affected the forms of state, but also the social relations of production and the political economy of Turkey. As a result changes in the forms of state and social relations of production informed by changes at the world order level, influenced the creation and execution of a proactive autonomous and internationally geared Turkish foreign policy, which is indicative of a middle power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Aanpassings in die wêreld orde het grootskaalse verskuiwings op internasionale vlak in die globale positionering van state te weeg gebring. Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het ontwikkel in ‘n nuwe mag struktuur wat beweeg het van bipolêre magskikking tot multi-polêre ingesteldheid. Die opkoms van hierdie nuwe wêreld orde het vir opkomende en ontwikkelende state, soos Turkye, die geleentheid gebied om in rolle in te tree wat ontstaan het as gevolg van die magsleemte wat veroorsaak is deur die nuwe multi-polêre orde. Die faktore het daartoe bygedra dat Turkye ‘n nuwe rol as ‘n intermedïere moondheid (‘middle power’) begin aanneem het. Hierdie studie het die Kritiese Teorie van Robert Cox gebruik om te bepaal wat die impak is van die veranderende wêreld orde op die ontwikkeling van Turkye as ‘n intermedïere moondheid in die nuwe wêreld orde, asook die mag van sosiale verwantskappe (‘social relations of forces’) raamwerk om rekenskap te gee and Turkye se rol as intermedïere moondheid. Die raamwerk wat deur Robert Cox ontwikkel is bestaan uit drie aspekte; die wêreld ordes, staatsvorme, en die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. In beide die post- Koue Oorlog en die post-2001 era het die verandering in wêreld orde merkwaardige verskuiwings in die Turkse staat veroorsaak; beide in terme van die aard van die staat asook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. Teen die einde van die Koue Oorlog het die veranderinge in die aard van die staat van die Turkse Republiek toegelaat dat meer kragtige burgerlike samelewingsorganisasies kon bestaan, sowel as ‘n staat wat omskep was deur die verspreiding van internasionale norme, wat ontstaan het op wêreld orde vlak. Hierdie internasionale norme het nie net die forms of state vorm of aard van die staat beïnvloed nie, maar ook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie en die politieke ekonomie van Turkye. Uit die aard van die saak het veranderinge in die vorm van die staat en sosiale verwantskappe van produksie wat veroorsaak was deur die verandering op wêreld orde vlak, gelei tot die ontstaan en ontwikkeling van ‘n pro-aktiewe, selfstandige en internationaal gerigte Turkse buitelandse beleid. Die laasgenoemde dui aan op Turkye se ewolusie as ʼn intermedïere moondheid.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Post-apartheid foreign policy has witnessed a fundamental shift in South African foreign policy objectives and strategies as the country has aimed to move from a pariah to a participant in the international community. Since 1994, South Africa has become an active player in the international system and has assumed an increasingly active role in international organisations. One distinct strand of South African foreign policy which has emerged is a commitment to the use and support of multilateralism. Yet, as the country has become increasingly active in multilateral fora, so too, it is argued, has it been torn between the promotion of its own interests and those of its African peers. At times South Africa is seen to vociferously champion African interests, and at others to sideline the interests of its African partners and the notion of the African Renaissance, in favour of its own interests. Yet, whilst inconsistencies in South African multilateral foreign policy exist, this study argues that overall, South Africa has actively and consciously attempted to establish itself as an African middle power within the international system, and to create a distinct niche for itself as “the voice of Africa” in multilateral fora. Employing a Middle Power approach and utilising the concept of niche-building diplomacy this study investigates first, South Africa’s middle power niche in the international system at large, before, secondly, investigating South Africa’s role at the World Trade Organisation. The study concludes that, while South Africa has continually attempted to establish itself as “the voice of Africa” in a range of multilateral fora and has acted in a manner consistent with this stated objective, it has acted contrary to its established niche at the World Trade Organisation since joining this organisation in 1994. Indeed, this study finds that whereas in other multilateral fora South Africa has acted as the standard-bearer of African interests, in the World Trade Organisation it has acted contrary to African interests time and again. The findings indicate that the Middle Power concept in international relations itself needs to be revisited, that South Africa’s role as a middle power in the international system requires greater investigation, and that further research is required on the roles played by other middle powers at the World Trade Organisation.

三十年前北極是一塊具有爭議的領土，許多國家因此在這塊土地產生許多衝突，鮮少透過國際合作的方式解決爭議，今日許多國際政權採取相互合作來處理爭議，在這些政權中北極理事會是最有影響力的，但是怎麼演變到這樣的呢？ 這篇論文認為原因是中等強國的參與，並藉由加拿大的參與來探討北極理事會的形成，研究結果發現諸多加拿大領導人相互合作並說服反對政權的意見共組北極理事會，此研究也同時發現中等強國對政權的組成有極重要的影響，此論文的第二部份檢視中國對北極理事會的反應，此論文發現中國對北極策略採取國際法，而在此同時他們企圖在北極理事會中增進自身的影響力，總歸上述此研究在分析上有三項主要發現：中國作為外來政權的反應、中國對北極議題採取法律規範、中國對加拿大的北極主權看法。 / Thirty years ago the Arctic was a desolate region marked by territorial disputes, mutual suspicion between regional powers, and a complete lack of international cooperation. Today, the Arctic has become a hotbed of cooperation with a mosaic of international regimes governing regional affairs. The Arctic Council has emerged as the most important regime governing Arctic affairs. How did this transformation take place? This thesis argues that middle powers are crucial to regime formation. It examines the role that Canada played in the formation of the Arctic Council. It finds that several Canadian individual leaders acted collectively to bring together the Arctic states and overcome initial resistance in forming the Arctic Council. This study shows that middle powers have the ability to significantly influence regime formation. The second part of this thesis will examine China’s response to the Arctic Council. By surveying the statements of Chinese Arctic officials, it finds that China’s emerging Arctic strategy is to continually stress adherence to international law in Arctic affairs to assuage concerns about China’s Arctic activities while at the same time advocating for a greater decision-making role in Arctic governance for non-Arctic states. An analysis of China’s response to the Arctic Council also reveals three key findings of China’s Arctic cooperation: China’s response in relation to its status as an “outsider” to Arctic affairs, China’s support for the Arctic Council’s transformation from soft law to hard law, and China’s view on Canada’s Arctic sovereignty.

[pt] Adotando um olhar construtivista, esta dissertação tem como tema de pesquisa analisar a imagem internacional do Brasil como potência média - idéia que perpassa a construção da identidade do país - projetada pelo governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002). A perspectiva do sistema internacional como um ambiente social mostra a importância de fatores sociais e elementos cognitivos para os estudos em análise de política externa. A pesquisa problematiza o conceito de potência média a partir de quatro dimensões analíticas - capacidade material, influência, autopercepção, e reconhecimento - no intuito de revelar os aspectos teóricos presentes no entendimento brasileiro de potência média. Ao longo dos anos, a diplomacia brasileira desenvolveu um conceito próprio de potência média. Tradicionalmente visto pela óptica materialista, o conceito recebeu uma conotação menos tangível e mais cognitiva. Destarte, esta dissertação demonstra, dentro de uma lógica de interação social, como a imagem internacional do país como potência média é construída no governo Cardoso pelos discursos de continuidade e mudança apresentados nos fóruns internacionais multilaterais, em especial, na ONU e na OMC. / [en] Departing from a Constructivist view, this Msc. Dissertation has as its subject of research the analysis of Brazilian international image as a middle power - idea that can be found throughout the process of national identity construction - projected by Cardoso s government (1995 - 2002). The perspective of the international system as asocial milieu demonstrates the importance of social factors and cognitive elements in the study of foreign policy analysis. This Msc. Dissertation inquires into the concepts of middle power under four analytical dimensions - material capabilities, influence, selfperception, and recognition - questioning the concept to reveal the theoretical aspects found in the Brazilian understanding of middle power. Throughout the Brazilian Republican History, the Diplomats have developed their own concept of middle power. They gave a more cognitive and less materialist sense to a concept traditionally associated with a materialist point of view. Therefore, this research demonstrates from a social logic of interaction how the image of Brazil as a middle power was constructed during Cardoso s government by the statements of change and continuity in such multilateral international forums as the UN and WTO.

近年來，韓國積極發展「中等強權」外交政策，在G20主持多場重要會議，參與發展政策、維和部隊與區域安全議題，韓國並邀請同屬中等強權國家的墨西哥、印尼、土耳其、澳洲，共同成立「MITKA」五國諮商會議。本研究主張：韓國對於自身國家角色概念的認知影響了其外交決策的產出過程，而國家決策者首先對於國家定位有所認識與定義，從而對應其國家角色而制定相關的施政規劃與外交方針。 　　本研究以角色理論作為分析途徑，研究重心聚焦於內部國家特性的成長，以及外部環境如何影響韓國國家角色概念的成形與轉變。本論文特別著重分析韓國與中國的關係，主張韓中雙邊互動逐漸影響韓國對自身角色的認知，並增強了韓國對於提升對中經貿交流與合作的認同，進一步影響了「中等強權」外交政策出台，令這項政策成為身處安全困境並遭受強權環伺的韓國的外交主軸，並促使韓國推廣新興外交政策與成立「MITKA」。 / South Korea has recently focused on developing the middle power diplomacy. It has hosted the G20 global conferences, contributed development assistance, and joined peacekeeping operations. It also promoted “MITKA” with Mexico, Indonesia, Turkey, and Australia. The key factor shaping South Korea’s middle power diplomacy is the identity of national role conceptions. The leaders know the self conceptualization of a country’s role in international politics, then make decision under the influence of national role conceptions. Viewing role theory as analytical tool, this study explores how international and domestic factors affect the course and outcome of ROK decision-making process. The development of Sino-Korean relations shapes the values and identity, makes economic interests continue to effect ROK leaders’s national role conception. Koreans historically consider their country as a victim of great powers , middle power diplomacy may be the key to solving ROK foreign policy dilemmas.

Apesar de manter relações diplomáticas com os países da América Central e do Caribe desde o princípio do século XX, a diplomacia brasileira se manteve distante dessa região até pouco tempo atrás. Para os formuladores da política externa brasileira, existiam “duas Américas” que integravam distintas esferas de influência. Nesse sentido, o Brasil concentrou a sua atuação regional junto aos países sul-americanos – respeitando a supremacia estadunidense sobre a porção setentrional do continente. Contudo, esse cenário de distanciamento vem se alterando de forma gradual no período recente. Juntamente com outras regiões que até então não faziam parte da agenda diplomática brasileira, a América Central e o Caribe passaram a receber uma maior atenção da chancelaria do país, na busca por novos parceiros que apoiassem seus projetos internacionais. Destarte, o presente trabalho buscou analisar a formulação e a implementação de uma política externa brasileira específica para essa região. Para tanto, foram observados os projetos brasileiros no subcontinente ao longo dos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). A partir da análise empírica, argumenta-se que a transformação testemunhada no período recente é decorrente das alterações internas sofridas ao longo da década de 1990 – que, por um lado, ampliaram consideravelmente a importância da variável externa no projeto de desenvolvimento nacional, e por outro, possibilitaram ao país uma atuação mais proeminente no sistema internacional. Argumenta-se ainda que a inclusão da região centro-americana e caribenha na agenda internacional brasileira faz parte da busca por uma democratização da política internacional e pela consolidação de um sistema internacional multipolar como forma ampliar o grau de autonomia do país. / Despite the fact that Brazil has maintained diplomatic relations with the Central American and the Caribbean nations since the inception of the twentieth century, Brazilian diplomacy has remained distant from that region until very recently. For the formulators of the Brazilian foreign policy, there were “two Americas” that were part of distinct spheres of influence. In this sense, Brazil has focused its regional efforts towards South America – respecting the U.S. supremacy over the northern portion of the continent. Nevertheless, this scenario of distance has been gradually changing over the recent years. Along with other regions that had not been part of the Brazilian diplomatic agenda, Central America and the Caribbean began to receive greater attention from the country’s diplomatic body in the search for new partners that would support its international projects. Hence, this study examines the formulation and the implementation of a Brazilian foreign policy which is specific towards the region. Thus, we observed the Brazilian projects in the subcontinent during the administration of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). Based on the empirical analysis, it is argued that the transformation witnessed in the recent period is a result of the internal changes experienced during the 1990s – that on the one hand, caused a considerable increase in the importance of the external variable in the design of the national development plan, and on the other hand, allowed the country a more prominent role in the international system. It is also argued that the inclusion of Central America and the Caribbean in the Brazilian international agenda is part of the quest for the democratization of international politics, inasmuch as the consolidation of a multipolar international system as a means to increase the country’s degree of autonomy. / A pesar de mantener relaciones diplomáticas con los países de América Central y del Caribe desde principios del siglo XX, la diplomacia brasileña se ha mantenido distante de esta región hasta hace poco. Para los formuladores de la política exterior brasileña, existían “dos Américas”, que integraban diferentes esferas de influencia. En este sentido, Brasil ha centrado su actuación regional junto a los países sudamericanos – respetando la supremacía de EE.UU. en la porción norte del continente. Sin embargo, este escenario de distanciamiento viene cambiando poco a poco en los últimos años. Junto con otras regiones que no hacían parte de la agenda diplomática brasileña, América Central y el Caribe comenzaron a recibir una mayor atención por parte de la cancillería del país en busca de nuevos socios que apoyen sus proyectos internacionales. Así, el presente estudio examinó la formulación y la aplicación de una política exterior brasileña hacia la región. Para lo tanto, fueron observados los proyectos brasileños en el subcontinente durante el gobierno de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) y de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). Partiendo del análisis empírico, se argumenta que la transformación observada en los últimos tiempos es resultado de los cambios internos experimentados durante la década de 1990 – que, por un lado, ampliaron considerablemente la importancia de la variable externa en el diseño del plan de desarrollo nacional, y por otro, permitieron que el país asumiese un papel más prominente en el sistema internacional. Además, también se argumenta que la inclusión de América Central y del Caribe en la agenda internacional brasileña hace parte de la búsqueda por una mayor democratización de la política internacional y por la consolidación de un sistema internacional multipolar como forma de ampliar el grado de autonomía del país.