Indigenous peoples as political actors in the Arctic Council is an understudied subject.Indigenous peoples have a unique status as Permanent Participants to the Arctic Council,enabling them to affect the policy-making and decisions made within the Council. There areconcerns, however, to the level of Indigenous peoples’ inclusion. Research shows that theworking relationships between the eight Arctic member states of the Council and thePermanent Participants creates dependency, among other things because the PermanentParticipants rely on funding from the member states. This in turn questions the status of thePermanent Participants, and whether they are included into the Arctic Council as independentpolitical actors. This paper aims to build upon research done by Michaela Louise Coote andMonica Tennberg, researchers whom both have contributed to this field of research.

The IPCC report from 2013 predicts radical temperature changes in the world the coming years, with a melting ice cap in the Arctic as consequence. According to geological research made by institutes and scholars from the Arctic states the Arctic is likely to hold the last remaining oil and gas resources of the world. The melting ice cap opens up for resource exploitation and for new naval transportation routes between Asia and Europe and North America. There is a debate over what geopolitical implications these natural resources and the new transportation routes will get for the surrounding Arctic states since the existing international regulations in some areas are inadequate. This debate is divided into two camps; one side argues that the Arctic states will act cooperatively when exploiting the resources and navigating the new transportation routes, while the other side predicts violent and conflictive state behavior. The objective of this study is to analyze existing and potential conflicts in the Arctic through the perspective of leading international relations theories in order to make projections of potential Arctic developments. As analytical tool the study applies a conflict analysis framework to structure and categorize both the findings and the analytical chapter. In this qualitative and abductive study the data has been collected through mainly official state and private documents and text analysis of these documents have been used as method. The study concludes that a combination of both cooperation and competition is likely to occur in the Arctic in future, but cooperation will be the first alternative of choice for states rather than conflict.

This thesis deals with identification, analysis and critical assessment of challenges for international relations arising in the Arctic in connection with global climate change, which results mainly into decrease of the sea ice. Copenhagen School forms the primary theoretical bedrock of the thesis. The thesis maps the approach of different theoretical paradigms to the Arctic region throughout the history and on this basis it justifies the relevance of application of the concept of security sectors defined by Copenhagen School on the region. The thesis also maps the current governance mechanisms of the Arctic region as far as international law and institutional arrangements are concerned. The analysis of concrete challenges for international relations is structured according to the sectors of security defined by Copenhagen School. Thus, challenges in the environmental, societal, economic, political and military sectors are examined.

This thesis presents an analysis of Russia’s and Finland’s Arctic polities, and what effects their policies have for the future geopolitical situation. The argument of this thesis that the implication of Russia’s and Finland’s policies on the geopolitical situation in the Arctic will likely get increasingly tense in the future. Neoclassical realism was the chosen theoretical framework since the topic is concerned with a combination of domestic and systemic factors. The methodological approach was a comparative case study analyzing Russia and Finland with a most-different system design. This approach made it possible to compare three units that shaped these states Arctic policies. Conclusively, the results find that Russia’s economic decline and perception of the Arctic as an economic opportunity conflict with Finland who are in favor of policies to strengthen the regional organizational framework by broadening Arctic Council’s agenda to have a greater cooperation with Arctic and non-Arctic states on security politics.

This study investigates how to enhance Sámi participation in EU Arctic policymaking processes by adopting and adapting participatory practices from the Arctic Council. Through a qualitative content analysis of policy documents and elite interviews, the study identifies that the EU can learn from the Arctic Council by recognizing the Sámi as internal actors, developing their collaborative platforms, and integrating Indigenous Knowledge into policymaking processes. This thesis develops a conceptual framework, integrating the concepts of procedural and intergovernmental self-determination, epistemic belonging, and organizational interdependency to define meaningful Indigenous participation and influence, which guides the analysis. Using this framework, the study contrasts the Arctic Council’s successful practices, where Indigenous Peoples Organizations are treated as equals, with the EU’s tendency to view the Sámi as an external Indigenous group outside of EU borders. The study identifies opportunities for the EU to translate participatory mechanisms that reflect the Sámi’s unique position and integrate their knowledge, as well as barriers such as treaty and resource constraints. By translating Artic Council practices into soft-law, the EU can create an inclusive atmosphere, contributing to meaningful Sámi participation.

The aim of this study has been to analyse the Norwegian climate discourse and itsimplications on disaster diplomacy between the member states of the Arctic Council. For the purpose of this study, disaster diplomacy refers to the occurrence ofcooperation to address the disaster that is climate change. The Arctic was chosen asthe subject due to it being one of the regions most affected by climate change, whichcreates threats to Arctic societies and ecosystems. The concept of disaster diplomacy and John S. Dryzek’s classifications of climatediscourses form the theoretical framework of this study. The analysis was conductedusing a qualitative textual analysis and found that the Norwegian climate discourse ispredominantly environmentalist, seeking proactive measures to mitigate climaterelatedconsequences. Thus, the Norwegian climate discourse can be assumed to createfavourable conditions for disaster diplomacy. However, certain climate-related issuesrisk causing challenges for disaster diplomacy amongst the member states of the ArcticCouncil.

The recently intensifying climate changes enable a large-scale economic development of the Arctic region. This region is characterized by the vast hydrocarbon resources, but also by the unique fragile ecosystem. Therefore, any economic development must be aligned with environmental protection. This protection is encouraged by the leading intergovernmental institution in this area, the Arctic Council. This master thesis aims to analyse Russian environmental cooperation with the Arctic coastal states within the Arctic Council. Its structure follows a theoretical framework, introduced by the liberal intergovernmentalism. Firstly, formation of Russian national Arctic interests is analysed, using the key legal documents. Secondly, Russia's participation in the Arctic Council is studied. Thirdly, bilateral environmental cooperation between Russia and other four Arctic coastal states is analysed. Based on the performed research, the Russian Federation is aware, that reaching its very ambitious plans for economic development of the Arctic is only possible along with improvement of environmental protection. Russia cannot ensure this alone and therefore it actively seeks international cooperation. The research also pointed out, that before the establishment of the Arctic Council, the bilateral cooperation...

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The global climate is creating more ice-free waters in the Arctic. These new navigation possibilities around the Arctic lead to increased global trade, tourism, and oil and gas exploration. With the foreseeable increased nautical transportation through the Northwest Passage, the United States needs to revisit its security posture in and around the Bering Strait. At least five different grand strategies are potentially relevant in addressing this question. By comparing the suggestions of these leading grand strategy approaches to what has actually been implemented by the United States in the Strait of Hormuz, the Strait of Malacca, and the Panama Canal, similarities emerge that can help the United States shape their strategy for the defending of its national interests in the Bering Strait. By testing the different grand strategies against three reasonably similar cases, I find that a forward military presence and supporting a liberal institutionalist approach are the two key aspects that the United States should employ in the Bering Strait. Increasing and improving the military presence that the United States has in the region should be a top priority. In addition, supporting the Arctic Council would provide an increased level of security to the United States and other nations in the region. This strategy is not without its challenges and it will require artful statecraft in order to be successful.

三十年前北極是一塊具有爭議的領土，許多國家因此在這塊土地產生許多衝突，鮮少透過國際合作的方式解決爭議，今日許多國際政權採取相互合作來處理爭議，在這些政權中北極理事會是最有影響力的，但是怎麼演變到這樣的呢？ 這篇論文認為原因是中等強國的參與，並藉由加拿大的參與來探討北極理事會的形成，研究結果發現諸多加拿大領導人相互合作並說服反對政權的意見共組北極理事會，此研究也同時發現中等強國對政權的組成有極重要的影響，此論文的第二部份檢視中國對北極理事會的反應，此論文發現中國對北極策略採取國際法，而在此同時他們企圖在北極理事會中增進自身的影響力，總歸上述此研究在分析上有三項主要發現：中國作為外來政權的反應、中國對北極議題採取法律規範、中國對加拿大的北極主權看法。 / Thirty years ago the Arctic was a desolate region marked by territorial disputes, mutual suspicion between regional powers, and a complete lack of international cooperation. Today, the Arctic has become a hotbed of cooperation with a mosaic of international regimes governing regional affairs. The Arctic Council has emerged as the most important regime governing Arctic affairs. How did this transformation take place? This thesis argues that middle powers are crucial to regime formation. It examines the role that Canada played in the formation of the Arctic Council. It finds that several Canadian individual leaders acted collectively to bring together the Arctic states and overcome initial resistance in forming the Arctic Council. This study shows that middle powers have the ability to significantly influence regime formation. The second part of this thesis will examine China’s response to the Arctic Council. By surveying the statements of Chinese Arctic officials, it finds that China’s emerging Arctic strategy is to continually stress adherence to international law in Arctic affairs to assuage concerns about China’s Arctic activities while at the same time advocating for a greater decision-making role in Arctic governance for non-Arctic states. An analysis of China’s response to the Arctic Council also reveals three key findings of China’s Arctic cooperation: China’s response in relation to its status as an “outsider” to Arctic affairs, China’s support for the Arctic Council’s transformation from soft law to hard law, and China’s view on Canada’s Arctic sovereignty.

À l’heure actuelle, l’Arctique fait face à d’importantes menaces environnementales, qui risquent, en raison de sa précarité singulière, d’affecter son écosystème ainsi que ses communautés locales. Alors que ces problèmes posent des défis uniques de gestion, des solutions existent, mais sont peu efficaces. Aux échelles internationale, régionale, subrégionale, bilatérale ou nationale, le milieu marin arctique fait l’objet de plusieurs instruments de droit dur et de droit mou, qui présentent des lacunes. Face à ces enjeux, la question de la gouvernance du milieu marin arctique est devenue incontournable. Équilibrer le besoin de protéger le milieu marin arctique, son écosystème et ses habitants d’une part, et les impératifs économiques d’exploitation des ressources et d’augmentation du niveau de vie de l’autre, est nécessaire. Pour ce faire, la protection du milieu marin arctique doit (1) proposer un instrument qui inclut mécanismes de mise en œuvre et de conformité, flexibilité, précision et profondeur, et transparence et responsabilité ; (2) être pensée en terme de continuum et de complémentarité des différents niveaux de gouvernance plutôt qu’en isolant les différents paliers de gouvernance ; (3) privilégier un complexe de régimes internationaux ; (4) inclure une pléthore d’acteurs dans la gouvernance et (5) établir des aires marines protégées reconnaissant les concepts d’une gestion axée sur les écosystèmes en respectant des principes propres à la science environnementale. De cette façon, un équilibre entre les besoins environnementaux, sociaux et économiques et une gouvernance efficace pourront être atteints. / The Arctic is currently facing significant environmental threats. Yet, because of its particular precariousness, those threats will possibly impact its ecosystem and local communities. As those problems are posing unique management challenges, some solutions have been put in place, but are not really effective. In order to protect the arctic marine environment, several hard law and soft law instruments have been set at the international, regional, subregional, bilateral and national scales, but they are all facing serious shortcomings. The question of arctic marine environmental governance has therefore become inevitable in addressing those issues. The needs to protect the arctic marine environment, its ecosystem and inhabitants and the economic imperatives of resources exploitation and economic growth have to be balanced. Thus, arctic marine environmental protection has to (1) put forth an instrument with more implementation and conformity mechanisms, with more flexibility, more precision and depth, and more transparence and accountability; (2) be thought in terms of continuum and synergies of the different levels of governance instead of approaching them separately; (3) put forward an international regimes complex; (4) include a plethora of actors in the governance system and (5) establish marine protected areas that recognize the concepts of ecosystem-based management and respect some environmental principles. In this way, equilibrium between environmental, social and economical needs and effectiveness in governance will be reached.