Non-traditional security has become an important issue of international security issues, and is also facing a threat to cross-strait relations. If it is the connotation of military facets of cooperation (agreement) to facilitate the development of the cross-Strait relations, it also reduces the doubts surrounding countries. Therefore, the proposal of this thesis has focused on the non-traditional security. This research has primarily focused on non-traditional security fields including disaster prevention, disease control and sea rescue to explore current cross-strait cooperation model. Further, this study discussed future research on construction of security cooperation mechanism, and analyzed the cross-strait military security in response to the law of non-traditional sources and strategies. The result of this research found that cross-strait exchange in the dispute over sovereignty is the main constraining factor. Both in response to non-traditional security threats related to resources have not yet integrated to build the mechanism of security cooperation, and play an important role in the military are cross-strait to toward the future. In addition, the conclusion of this research indicated that cross-strait should build a non-traditional security through academic exchange, channels of negotiation, friendly reciprocal visits, and joint exercises of compound disaster, and the inclusion of cross-strait military security cooperation mechanism within policy formation process.

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根據UNODC南亞及太平洋地區研究表示，亞洲已成為最大的製毒化學品來源和用於製造非法藥物的市場。衛生福利部食品藥物管理署2014年「全國物質使用調查」發現調查12-64歲民眾中約有23萬人曾經藥物濫用，18~44歲為藥物濫用最多之年齡群，其中18~24歲以使用愷他命居多，而35~44歲則以安非他命為主。2015年反毒報告書指出，去年全國因毒品案件而裁決有罪者共有34,672人，雖然較前年減少7.2% ，但毒品入侵青少年族群的情況卻越來越嚴重，依據教育部統計，2014年度共有1,700名學生遭通報藥物濫用，較2013年2,021件略為下降，其中以疑似施用第三級毒品人數為最大宗，並以高中職1,031人(60.6％)為主，國中582人(34.2％)次之。教育部學生使用非法藥物的通報件數也呈逐年增加的情形，若以 2007年高中職以下學校通報 284件增加至 2013年1,908 件計算，7年內增加了6.7倍之多。毒品嚴重影響年輕一代的教育及健康，其需要付出的成本與代價無法計算，所造成的問題將成為影響社會、國家的不穩定因素，因此如何防制青少年的藥物濫用便成為當務之急。 本文針對聯合國UNODC的角度探討全球青少年毒品問題，並以近年來臺北市青少年各級毒品使用現況與相關性探討，以有系統的歸類、分析，期望結合及彙整青少年毒品危害防制措施、探究其將會產生多種併存問題及發生情形、供日後政府制定藥物濫用防制策略參考。另由全球青少年毒品使用變化與發展對比於臺灣的轉變，再加以探討影響臺灣青少年使用毒品的因素與項目有哪些?與全球青少年所受的衝擊與矛盾是否有相同處?抑或因著地域的不同有不同的效果。最後則再限縮範圍至臺北市校園學生毒品濫用的情形，再導入治安、經濟、社會等變數議題，以文獻分析法試著推導出對國家安全的影響，探討將會產生多種併存問題及發生情形，並對目前防制困境與策略作為進行探討。 文末則再次回應研究青少年毒品的三個關鍵問題，得出濫用年齡層有下降趨勢、合成毒品濫用越來越多，加上青少年藥物濫用極可能持續到成年，並會增加未來為上癮者或從事其他犯罪的機會，國家應從青少年時期開始預防措施、減少毒品需求、創造有利的健康環境、家庭具有強大防制潛力，應重視家庭教育等做起。所以，要指望毒品問題完全解決是不可能的。既然在短期內現行政府政策不大可能出現根絕的方法，那麼，一旦對青少年藥物濫用採取忽視的態度，將會動搖的國家競爭力與根本。 / According to UNODC South Asia and Pacific Studies, Asia has become the largest source of toxic chemicals and markets for the manufacture of illicit drugs. Ministry of Health and Welfare Food and Drug Administration In 1994, the National Survey on the Use of Substance found that about 230,000 people aged between 12 and 64 years had been drug abuse and 18 to 44 were the highest age groups for drug abuse, including 18 to 24 The use of Kai Tai life mostly, and 35 to 44 years old with amphetamine-based. The anti-drug report in 2015 pointed out that 34,672 people were found guilty of drug cases in the country last year, although they were 7.2% lower than the previous year. However, the number of drug-invading youth groups was getting worse. According to the statistics of the Ministry of Education, Students were informed of drug abuse, slightly lower than 2,021 in 2013, among which the number of suspected third-class drugs was the largest, and 1,031 (60.6%) were secondary in high school, 582 (34.2%) The The number of informants of the Ministry of Education's use of illicit drugs has also increased year by year. If the number of schools under the senior secondary school in 2007 increased by 284 to 1,908 in 2013, it increased by 6.7 times in seven years. Drugs seriously affect the education and health of the younger generation, and the costs and costs that they need to pay can not be calculated. The problems that have arisen will be factors that affect social and national instability. Therefore, how to prevent juvenile drug abuse becomes a top priority. In this paper, the United Nations UNODC point of view of the global drug problem of young people, and in recent years, young people in Taipei City at all levels of drug use status and relevance of the discussion, to a systematic classification, analysis, expectations and integration of juvenile drug harm prevention measures, It will produce a variety of coexistence problems and the situation for the future government to develop drug abuse control strategy reference. The same is true of the changes and the development of the global use of drugs in Taiwan, and to explore the factors that affect the use of drugs by young people in Taiwan and what are the same as those of the global adolescents and whether they are the same Have different effects. And finally to limit the range to the Taipei City campus students drug abuse situation, and then into the law and order, economic, social and other variables to the literature analysis method to try to derive the impact on national security, will have a variety of coexistence problems and occur Situation, and the current control dilemma and strategy as a discussion. At the end of the paper, there are three key questions in the study of juvenile delinquents, a decline in the age of abuse, an increasing number of drug abuse, and the fact that adolescent drug abuse is likely to continue into adulthood and increase the future as an addict or Other opportunities for crime, the state should start from adolescence prevention measures to reduce the demand for drugs to create a favorable health environment, the family has a strong control potential, should pay attention to family education and so on. So it is impossible to expect a complete solution to the drug problem. Since the current government policy in the short term is unlikely to be the way to eradicate it, then once the attitude of neglecting adolescent drug abuse will shake the country's competitiveness and fundamentals.

The purpose of this dissertation is to examine how the People’s Republic of China has used domestic and foreign policy to achieve and maintain food security. This is a formidable task for the PRC given that it has 20% of the world’s population and only 7% of its arable land. It has been made more formidable by domestic policy errors and its changing position within the international system. The PRC has evolved from a Marxist revisionist state to one that mixes state capitalism and free enterprise and has become a combination of revisionist and status quo. Such changes lend themselves to process-tracing as a methodology in order to reveal the rationale behind the change and the resulting impact on food security. To capture this evolution, a food paradigm is constructed for various eras that reflect domestic influences on food security. To this is added the international aspect; the choice of what countries it would or could trade with, as needed. Together the domestic and international are combined to obtain a complete view of the food paradigm and resulting food security situation for each era. In pursuing food security this dissertation will focus on rice, wheat, soybeans, and maize, the prime grains for human consumption and animal feed in the PRC. These grains provide much of the caloric intake of the population as well as being the prime reserve products. The results show that these products have been used as a tool of foreign policy to reward or punish other states by adjusting their imports and exports to send political messages as seen fit. The PRC has always maintained a diversified import supply base, but as imports have continued to grow, the supply base is expanding. Expansion is not through land-grabbing but by contract growing by local farmers in less developed countries and leasing land in developed countries, both on previously uncultivated lands. Simultaneously, there are efforts to improve grain production in African countries, among others. Increasing output there will increase total world supply, an indirect benefit to the PRC food security and to its image abroad.

Since the cold war, most countries have moved on from the classical security perception that all threats are external and aiming to invade the sovereignty of the state, thus leading to military armies fighting each other. Instead as Globalization have become more predominant since the beginning of the 1990’s new threats have also emerged that militaries can’t fight as they used to, thus it has become necessary for a wider view on security which also involves human suffering, and the general trend among armies have been to combat these through international peacekeeping and humanitarian operations. This study aims at showing the change in which the Swedish army have undergone since the end of the cold war and into modern days, both in terms of political decisions and also show how the use of language have been changed throughout the course. The thesis covers a time period between 1989 to 2009 and following the process of change from the Swedish political institution that works with military issues, called the Försvarsutskottet or the FöU and the method applied is process tracing with a detailed narrative. Several important conceptions are also explained such as Globalization, Collective security and Human security, which will make the result chapter more understandable. The results showed that the biggest changes in Sweden’s military policy came in three steps, the beginning of the 1990’s was influenced with economic problems for Sweden which also lead to budget downsizings in the military. The mid-1990’s was the time where there existed no real external threat to Sweden, and hence it came to be dominated by several large reforms which also aimed at lowering the costs of the military and adapt it into becoming rapid response forces. After the 9/11 attacks in 2001 the new threats emerged and the Swedish military focused even more on improving their international and humanitarian operations. The thesis ends by discussing these finding and present some changes in the use of languages in-between the 20 years.

這碩士論文的目的是研究非傳統安全問題在東北亞地區安全困境發揮作用的程度和意義，並了解正式和制度化安全管理，在該地區連續失敗背後的原因筆者在以下研究中列出多個任務，包括了以下主要目標提供一個非傳統安全問題的全面，但簡化的概念附著到該地區的安全困境，並威脅其穩定性;提供一個具體的非傳統安全的情況下，研究基於政策的分析選定的國家，從而來了解和承認它的意義. / The purpose of this master thesis is to study the degree and significance of role played by unconventional security problems in the Northeast Asian security dilemma and understand the reason behind continuous failures to formalize and/or institutionalize security governance in the region. The author in the following research sets out multiple tasks, which include the following principal goals: provide a comprehensive but simplified conception on non-traditional security issues adherent to the region’s security dilemma and threatening its stability; offer a concrete case-study of unconventional security based on policy-analysis of selected countries, which helps to understand and acknowledge its significance; analyze instititionalism against the backdrop of Northeast Asia’s specificity concerning the lack of strictly formal organizations; and last but not least develop an idea of how and whether cooperation in non-traditional security issues can lead to the improvement of security governance in the region.

Ce mémoire examine, à l’appui de la théorie de rôles, l’influence de l’UE dans la construction du mécanisme de gestion de catastrophes de l’ASEAN. Contrairement à la plupart de recherches menées sur la relation UE-ASEAN, ce mémoire accorde une attention particulière aux échanges UE-ASEAN dans le domaine de sécurité non-traditionnelle, notamment dans la gestion de catastrophes. À travers nos observations, nous constatons que l’influence de l’UE dans la construction de la politique de sécurité non traditionnelle de l’ASEAN n’est ni monotone, ni constante. Son influence prend souvent forme de commanditaire et d’exemplaire, tandis que lors du lancement ou de l’exécution du projet, l’influence de l’UE cède la place à celle de l’ASEAN elle-même, qui assume constamment la responsabilité de lancer l’initiative et de mettre en place les mesures politiques. Ce mémoire contribue non seulement à remesurer l’influence de l’UE sous forme de différents rôles mais aussi à souligner l’implication des autres acteurs régionaux dans la construction de politiques régionales de l’ASEAN : ils sont tous des acteurs importants dans le développement, l’évolution et l’accomplissent des politiques régionales de l’ASEAN dans la sécurité non- traditionnelle. / Using role theory, this dissertation examines the influence of the EU in the construction of the ASEAN disaster management mechanism. Unlike most research on the EU-ASEAN relationship, this dissertation pays particular attention to EU-ASEAN exchanges in the field of non-traditional security, notably in disaster management. My observations show that the EU's influence in shaping ASEAN's non-traditional security policy is neither monotonous nor constant. Its influence often takes the form of sponsor and exemplar, while at the launch or execution of the project, the EU's influence gives way to that of ASEAN itself, which constantly assumes responsibility for launching the initiative and implementing the policy measures. This dissertation not only helps to re-measure the EU's influence in the form of different roles, but also to highlight the involvement of other regional players in the construction of ASEAN regional policies: they are all important actors in the development, evolution and achievement of ASEAN regional policies in non-traditional security.

在後冷戰時期，由於國際氛圍的改變以及全球化的影響，國家間互動密切，國際關係學者與政策制定者關心的議題逐漸從軍事層面慢慢轉向非軍事的面，因此所謂的非傳統安全也逐漸受到重視。國家開始注意到其他許多問題，諸如環保、移民、國際走私等問題，也發現這些問題影響的範圍及層面其實相當的廣泛，這些問題使得國內局面動盪不安，也跟著影響了國家安全，而一些跨國界的問題，例如環保問題，由於人類對環境的過度使用及破壞，一方面使得國家社會經濟層面受到影響，一方面國家之間為了爭奪這些珍貴資源，將無可避免地發生衝突。 本研究探討了非傳統安全中一個分類議題---環境安全，而資源安全也包括在其中。關於環境問題是否為安全議題的一環，引起了無數爭論，不過目前對於環境問題是安全的一環，學界已有一個大致上的共識。水資源安全是環境安全概念下引申出來的分支，對於水資源的爭奪，是衝突的潛在引爆點。 水是人類生存的必需品，在二十一世紀，水更是一切發展的關鍵，關係著國民的健康，國民健康關係著國力，水也和工業、農業發展息息相關。因此水不只是一個環境問題或是經濟問題，水更和國家安全緊密相連。且新鮮水資源沒有替代品，由於人口成長和氣候變遷的影響，未來新鮮水資源將會更難取得。 在世界上的許多地區都把獲得水源視為國家安全的一部份，不惜為水一戰，特別是對於國際河川之爭奪，對乾旱地區的國家來說，水資源問題是會影響到國家生存和發展的戰略問題，特別是那些用水特別緊張的地區，為水而起的衝突一觸即發。本研究以非洲尼羅河流域為例，檢視水資源問題是否為國家安全的一部分，以及爭奪水資源是否會成為戰爭的引爆點。 由於沒有一個國家可以獨占水資源，國家間在水的議題上必須共同合作，探討出一個大家共同接受的管理模式，各國在水資源使用上才能達到最大的效益。

水資源是人類生存及文明延續關鍵，雖然海洋佔有地球表面積約百分之七十，但可直接供應人類生養淡水卻極為有限。隨著世界人口持續增長、工商業發展迅速，全球水資源需求量不斷攀升，加以時空分配不均、氣候變遷等因素，引發旱澇災情加劇，進而威脅民生用水、農漁糧食、疾病衛生、社區遷徙及能源供應等安全，導致國家政經社會動盪，尤其是人口密集的亞洲地區多屬開發中國家，仰賴水資源獲取足夠糧食及經濟發展所需能源，再者，亞洲地區數條重要江河跨越數個國家地域，連接維繫流域內國家命脈及利益，惟各國對於國際河流治理政策及目標卻存在紛歧差異性而屢生爭議、矛盾，因此，國際河流所涉及水資源問題具有重要性及複雜性，若未能妥適紓解，則可能引發國際衝突而危及國家安全。 2009年中國水資源最豐沛的西南地區連續乾旱，中國為紓解水資源匱乏的嚴重性及急迫性，積極修建水壩以維繫水資源安全，卻引發與下游國家間跨境水資源衝突，中國在面臨境內水資源短缺危機，以及與鄰國共用治理國際河流二者衝突，都是當今非傳統安全領域的重要課題。湄公河是亞洲地區重要國際水系，流域遍及中國、寮國、緬甸、泰國、柬埔寨及越南等六個國家，富含水力動能及自然資源，然而，流域內各國政經體制、民族文化差異極大，對於水電開發、航道通商、農漁發展及生態維護各有主張而扞格爭嚷互見，衝突並不意味毫無合作契機，本文認為中國兼具地理及政經大國的優勢地位，水資源政策及執行往往引發鄰國諸多猜忌不安，又國際河流開發使用及管理約制，常事涉國家主權讓渡而難獲共識，但藉由水資源多層次規劃開發及協商管理，不僅能維護中國利益安全，同時，伴隨水電、航運建設所帶來鉅大經濟利益，也提供諸國亟欲脫貧的契機，進而促進地區安全。 / Water is indispensable to human life and civilization. We all know that the earth surface is composed of sea water by nearly 70%, but what we don’t know is freshwater on the rest 30% of the world is limited for human usage. With continuously rising population and rapid growth in economy, people’s demands for water is getting more and more intensive than that decades ago. Drought and flood damage caused by climate change affect water supply, agriculture and food safety, diseases and hygiene, even threaten national security in each country. Densely populated countries in Asia depend on water heavily for economic development, but major rivers running through those nation borders and territories complicate their political and diplomatic relations. Conflicts resulted from water resource management and national interests follow suit, which may escalate tension if not been dealt properly. In 2009, China’s southwest region was severely hit by droughts. Dams were needed for relieving the water shortage problem, but the construction in major rivers triggered China’s conflicts with countries in the downstream territories due to water resource distribution. Among these disputes, Mekong River, an international river flowing through China, Liao, Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam stood out. Each related nation has its own political considerations and economic plans with this river, and their exploitation policies were diverse. Seeing crisis of water shortage at home and conflicts resulted from water management with its neighbors outside, China was in a dilemma. However, contentions could create opportunities for cooperation. This paper tries to find the answer. It suggests that since China holds a geopolitical significance and economic dominance in the southwestern part of Asia, it can maintain its own security and interests by coming up comprehensive water exploitation policies and seek bilateral and multilateral water resource management with neighboring countries simultaneously, so as to bring in huge benefits on the one hand and acts as a responsible stakeholder in the area in promoting peace solution and stability on the other hand.

傳統的國家安全威脅之應處，係以確保國家軍事、政治及外交衝突等國家安全問題為目標。隨著冷戰結束後，全球化時代來臨，國際戰略環境的變遷與威脅性質的演變，「非傳統安全」威脅已逐漸取代「傳統安全」威脅。換言之，傳統安全思維僅著重在主權國家的軍事安全層面，非傳統安全則是基於整體人類安全的考量。我國在面對非傳統安全威脅下，如何調整適應環境之變化，以確保生存及發展，已成為當前刻不容緩之要務。 非傳統安全議題相當廣泛，主要包括：經濟及金融安全、自然生態環境安全、網路資訊安全、大規模殺傷性武器擴散、疫情傳播、恐怖主義、跨境犯罪、走私販毒、非法移民、海盜、洗錢等。中國大陸對臺威脅亦包含傳統與非傳統安全威脅性質。傳統安全係以軍事戰略威脅為主，非傳統安全威脅則來源多元、形式多樣，所呈現以走私、海盜、偷渡、偽造貨幣、詐欺、洗錢等跨境犯罪最為顯著， 本論文將探討兩岸共同打擊跨境犯罪背景發展，並分析兩岸交流衍生之大陸民眾非法來臺所呈現之態樣與現況，闡明我國所面臨的非傳統安全威脅，希冀由相關資料分析比較，藉此驗證現行實務面執行運作成效，並針對實務運作所面臨之困境提出研究建議，供相關單位參考，建立一個兩岸和平安全的互動環境。 / The aim of dealing with the traditional threats to national security is to ensure the national security in the aspects of military, politics and diplomacy. After the end of the Cold War comes the era of globalization, international strategic environment changes as well as the substantial of threat evolves. As a result, “non-traditional security (NTS)” threats have gradually taken the place of “traditional security” treats. In other words, the concept of traditional security only focuses on the aspects of military security of a sovereign state, whereas the consideration of non-traditional security is based on the general human safety. While confronting with threats of non-traditional security, it’s crunch time to make adjustments and adaptation so as to ensure existence and development of Taiwan. The issues of non-traditional security are extremely wide-ranging, mainly including: economic and financial security, ecological and environmental security, information and network security, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), the spread of epidemics, terrorism, transnational crime, narcotics and smuggling, illegal immigration, piracy, money laundering, and so on. The threats to Taiwan from China include traditional security threats and non-traditional security threats. The main threat of the traditional threats is military hostility, while non-traditional security threats stem from various sources and come out in multitudinous forms, especially in the fields of transnational crime such as smuggling, piracy, stowaways, currency counterfeiting, fraud, money laundering, etc. This study discusses the background and context of the cross-strait joint fight against transnational crime, and analyzes the current situation and patterns of illegal immigration of the people from Mainland China resulting from the cross-trait exchanges, as well as explicates the non-traditional security threats confronted by Taiwan, whereupon, in the hope of examining the practice performance by means of comparative analysis of related materials, proposed suggestions and strategies for these predicaments are finally concluded as a reference to the competent authorities to build a peaceful and secure environment for cross-strait interactions accordingly.