Thesis (M.S. in Joint Campaign Planning and Strategy)--Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2007. / Title from title screen; viewed on July 9, 2007. "15 May 2007." Electronic version of original print document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 78-83).

Este trabalho procura responder por que as políticas externas de Uganda, Tanzânia e Quênia convergiram ao final da década de 1990 culminando na refundação da Comunidade da África Oriental (CAO). Leva-se em consideração o quadro de análise em dois níveis: a política interna e o sistema internacional. O trabalho guia-se por duas hipóteses. A primeira é que dificuldades econômicas domésticas, experimentadas na década de 1990 — marcada pela adoção do Consenso de Washington —, deram impulso a forças políticas que favoreciam parcerias regionais. Já a segunda é que a CAO seria um fator conducente à constituição de um paradigma relacional no leste africano, permitindo a resolução pacífica de controvérsias entre os Estados membros e a coordenação de ações militares em seu entorno. Para averiguar as hipóteses, analisam-se os processos políticos internos dos três países em busca das causas da aproximação, isto é, mudanças de governo, governante e de arcabouço institucional. Traça-se também a evolução da políticas externas de Quênia, Tanzânia e Uganda, relacionando-as com o panorama internacional da época e com as dinâmicas políticas domésticas. Ademais, exploram-se os limites da convergência política através do estudo de alguns casos específicos: projetos de integração infraestrutural na CAO, a guerra civil da Somália e as guerras na República Democrática do Congo. Verifica-se que na Tanzânia a transição presidencial foi determinante para a mudança na política externa. Em Uganda, a superação da instabilidade interna (insurgências) permitiu o maior engajamento regional. Em contraste, a política externa queniana mostrou-se mais reativa ao contexto externo: a perda de valor estratégico do país para os Estados Unidos com o fim da Guerra Fria obrigou-o a buscar aliados regionais para evitar isolamento. Já os estudos de caso mostram que a convergência política encontra muitos desafios, pois, embora haja uma relação especial entre Dodoma, Kampala e Nairóbi, eles disputam entre si para tornar-se polo regional de poder. Ainda assim, mesmo quando estão indiretamente em guerra um contra o outro, como na República Democrática do Congo, a integração consegue avançar paulatinamente. / This work aims to answer why did the foreign policies of Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya converge by the end of the 1990s culminating in the re-foundation of the East African Community (EAC). It takes into consideration the two-level analytical framework: internal politics and the international system. Two hypothesis guide the investigation. The first is that domestic economic difficulties, experience in the 1990s — marked by the adoption of the Washington Consensus —, have given impulse to political forces favorable to regional partnerships. The second considers that the EAC is a factor conducive to the constitution of a relational paradigm in East Africa, allowing for the peaceful resolution of controversies among member-states and military action coordination in their surroundings. To test the hypotheses, the internal political processes of the three countries are analyzed in search for the causes of the convergence, that is, changes in government, ruler and institutional framework. The evolution of Kenya's, Tanzania's and Uganda's foreign policies is traced, relating them with the international scene of the period and with domestic political dynamics. Furthermore, the limits of the political convergence are explored through the study of some specific cases: infrastructure integration projects in EAC, Somalia's civil war and the wars in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The work finds that in Tanzania the presidential transition was determinative to the foreign policy shift. In Uganda, the overcoming of internal instability (insurgencies) allowed a greater regional engagement. Conversely, the Kenyan foreign policy has shown to be more reactive to the external context: the country's loss of strategic value to the United States with the end of the Cold War pushed it to seek regional allies to avoid isolation. The case studies have shown that the political convergence meets many challenges, because, although there is a special relationship between Dodoma, Kampala and Nairobi, they dispute to become a regional pole of power. Nevertheless, even when they are indirectly at war with one another, as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the integration manages to advance step by step.

Este trabalho procura responder por que as políticas externas de Uganda, Tanzânia e Quênia convergiram ao final da década de 1990 culminando na refundação da Comunidade da África Oriental (CAO). Leva-se em consideração o quadro de análise em dois níveis: a política interna e o sistema internacional. O trabalho guia-se por duas hipóteses. A primeira é que dificuldades econômicas domésticas, experimentadas na década de 1990 — marcada pela adoção do Consenso de Washington —, deram impulso a forças políticas que favoreciam parcerias regionais. Já a segunda é que a CAO seria um fator conducente à constituição de um paradigma relacional no leste africano, permitindo a resolução pacífica de controvérsias entre os Estados membros e a coordenação de ações militares em seu entorno. Para averiguar as hipóteses, analisam-se os processos políticos internos dos três países em busca das causas da aproximação, isto é, mudanças de governo, governante e de arcabouço institucional. Traça-se também a evolução da políticas externas de Quênia, Tanzânia e Uganda, relacionando-as com o panorama internacional da época e com as dinâmicas políticas domésticas. Ademais, exploram-se os limites da convergência política através do estudo de alguns casos específicos: projetos de integração infraestrutural na CAO, a guerra civil da Somália e as guerras na República Democrática do Congo. Verifica-se que na Tanzânia a transição presidencial foi determinante para a mudança na política externa. Em Uganda, a superação da instabilidade interna (insurgências) permitiu o maior engajamento regional. Em contraste, a política externa queniana mostrou-se mais reativa ao contexto externo: a perda de valor estratégico do país para os Estados Unidos com o fim da Guerra Fria obrigou-o a buscar aliados regionais para evitar isolamento. Já os estudos de caso mostram que a convergência política encontra muitos desafios, pois, embora haja uma relação especial entre Dodoma, Kampala e Nairóbi, eles disputam entre si para tornar-se polo regional de poder. Ainda assim, mesmo quando estão indiretamente em guerra um contra o outro, como na República Democrática do Congo, a integração consegue avançar paulatinamente. / This work aims to answer why did the foreign policies of Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya converge by the end of the 1990s culminating in the re-foundation of the East African Community (EAC). It takes into consideration the two-level analytical framework: internal politics and the international system. Two hypothesis guide the investigation. The first is that domestic economic difficulties, experience in the 1990s — marked by the adoption of the Washington Consensus —, have given impulse to political forces favorable to regional partnerships. The second considers that the EAC is a factor conducive to the constitution of a relational paradigm in East Africa, allowing for the peaceful resolution of controversies among member-states and military action coordination in their surroundings. To test the hypotheses, the internal political processes of the three countries are analyzed in search for the causes of the convergence, that is, changes in government, ruler and institutional framework. The evolution of Kenya's, Tanzania's and Uganda's foreign policies is traced, relating them with the international scene of the period and with domestic political dynamics. Furthermore, the limits of the political convergence are explored through the study of some specific cases: infrastructure integration projects in EAC, Somalia's civil war and the wars in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The work finds that in Tanzania the presidential transition was determinative to the foreign policy shift. In Uganda, the overcoming of internal instability (insurgencies) allowed a greater regional engagement. Conversely, the Kenyan foreign policy has shown to be more reactive to the external context: the country's loss of strategic value to the United States with the end of the Cold War pushed it to seek regional allies to avoid isolation. The case studies have shown that the political convergence meets many challenges, because, although there is a special relationship between Dodoma, Kampala and Nairobi, they dispute to become a regional pole of power. Nevertheless, even when they are indirectly at war with one another, as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the integration manages to advance step by step.

Este trabalho procura responder por que as políticas externas de Uganda, Tanzânia e Quênia convergiram ao final da década de 1990 culminando na refundação da Comunidade da África Oriental (CAO). Leva-se em consideração o quadro de análise em dois níveis: a política interna e o sistema internacional. O trabalho guia-se por duas hipóteses. A primeira é que dificuldades econômicas domésticas, experimentadas na década de 1990 — marcada pela adoção do Consenso de Washington —, deram impulso a forças políticas que favoreciam parcerias regionais. Já a segunda é que a CAO seria um fator conducente à constituição de um paradigma relacional no leste africano, permitindo a resolução pacífica de controvérsias entre os Estados membros e a coordenação de ações militares em seu entorno. Para averiguar as hipóteses, analisam-se os processos políticos internos dos três países em busca das causas da aproximação, isto é, mudanças de governo, governante e de arcabouço institucional. Traça-se também a evolução da políticas externas de Quênia, Tanzânia e Uganda, relacionando-as com o panorama internacional da época e com as dinâmicas políticas domésticas. Ademais, exploram-se os limites da convergência política através do estudo de alguns casos específicos: projetos de integração infraestrutural na CAO, a guerra civil da Somália e as guerras na República Democrática do Congo. Verifica-se que na Tanzânia a transição presidencial foi determinante para a mudança na política externa. Em Uganda, a superação da instabilidade interna (insurgências) permitiu o maior engajamento regional. Em contraste, a política externa queniana mostrou-se mais reativa ao contexto externo: a perda de valor estratégico do país para os Estados Unidos com o fim da Guerra Fria obrigou-o a buscar aliados regionais para evitar isolamento. Já os estudos de caso mostram que a convergência política encontra muitos desafios, pois, embora haja uma relação especial entre Dodoma, Kampala e Nairóbi, eles disputam entre si para tornar-se polo regional de poder. Ainda assim, mesmo quando estão indiretamente em guerra um contra o outro, como na República Democrática do Congo, a integração consegue avançar paulatinamente. / This work aims to answer why did the foreign policies of Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya converge by the end of the 1990s culminating in the re-foundation of the East African Community (EAC). It takes into consideration the two-level analytical framework: internal politics and the international system. Two hypothesis guide the investigation. The first is that domestic economic difficulties, experience in the 1990s — marked by the adoption of the Washington Consensus —, have given impulse to political forces favorable to regional partnerships. The second considers that the EAC is a factor conducive to the constitution of a relational paradigm in East Africa, allowing for the peaceful resolution of controversies among member-states and military action coordination in their surroundings. To test the hypotheses, the internal political processes of the three countries are analyzed in search for the causes of the convergence, that is, changes in government, ruler and institutional framework. The evolution of Kenya's, Tanzania's and Uganda's foreign policies is traced, relating them with the international scene of the period and with domestic political dynamics. Furthermore, the limits of the political convergence are explored through the study of some specific cases: infrastructure integration projects in EAC, Somalia's civil war and the wars in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The work finds that in Tanzania the presidential transition was determinative to the foreign policy shift. In Uganda, the overcoming of internal instability (insurgencies) allowed a greater regional engagement. Conversely, the Kenyan foreign policy has shown to be more reactive to the external context: the country's loss of strategic value to the United States with the end of the Cold War pushed it to seek regional allies to avoid isolation. The case studies have shown that the political convergence meets many challenges, because, although there is a special relationship between Dodoma, Kampala and Nairobi, they dispute to become a regional pole of power. Nevertheless, even when they are indirectly at war with one another, as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the integration manages to advance step by step.

No description available.

No description available.

This research attempts to evaluate the stability of money demand functions and estimate monetary inflation models in the East African Community (EAC), using quarterly aggregate data that range from 2000Q1 to 2012Q3. We used Johansen co-integration analysis to estimate and analyse the stability of the M3 money demand model for each country member of the EAC. From this estimation, we derived a country-specific measure of money overhang. We compared its forecasting power of future inflation with that of money stock growth, and money stock available in the economy. Regarding country-specific money demand functions, with the exception of Uganda, we identified a reasonable and stable country-specific M3 money demand model. Also, for predicting future inflation, the estimation results showed that M3 money stock growth is more reliable in Burundi and in Kenya, while M3 money overhang is preferable in Rwanda and M3 money stock in Tanzania. As both country-specific and regional (EAC area) information on monetary quantity growth and its impact on price level is important to know in a monetary union, we considered the EAC area as a single market and attempted to estimate the aggregate (EAC area) demand functions for broad money M2 and M3 using Johansen co-integration analysis. The estimated long-run aggregate money demand models M2 and M3 appeared to be stable over the sample period. However, the aggregate M2 and M3 at the EAC level were proven to be weakly exogenous, which should discard them for consideration at the EAC level as the intermediate targets variables in order to achieve the overall objective of price stability in the EAC region. Instead, short-term interest rate should be given a prominent role in monetary policy framework at the EAC level.

Higher education (HE) institutions play a vital role in the generation of new knowledge in the 21st Century, as HE is recognised as a key force for modernisation and development. The development and advancement of information technology have led to an interconnected, borderless world of knowledge, and HE institutions have become part of what is known as the global HE network society. HE institutions in developed countries are the most actively involved in producing and disseminating knowledge, and compete with one another in adding to this world stock of knowledge. In addition, HE has become a national priority in developed countries, and governments place pressure on HE institutions to form part of and remain active in the global HE network society in order to contribute to the knowledge-centred economy of today. However, the developing world lags far behind in becoming part of the global HE network society. As long as the developing world face constraints in attempts to improve national economies, alleviate poverty and maintain sustainability, prospects of contributing to, and participating in the global HE network society seem unlikely. HE can be used as a tool in addressing national development needs. With the necessary support and recognition from governments, HE should play a vital role in the process of reform and the revitalisation of developing countries. Africa is the least developed in terms of HE institutions. Approximately 300 institutions fit the definition of a university across the continent. While some countries on the continent, especially in Southern and Northern Africa, can claim comprehensive academic systems, most have just a few academic institutions and some countries have not yet even established differentiated post-secondary systems. It is generally assumed that most countries south of the Sahara lack adequate HE systems, or that they have no HE systems at all. Very little information on African HE systems and institutions, and how they function, is available, and there is a need for a deeper investigation into African HE systems and institutions. The vastness and diversity of the African continent does not allow for a single study of all African countries and their HE systems and institutions. It is for this reason that East Africa, comprising Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, was chosen for this study. This specific region exhibits common characteristics amongst its countries. A British colonial history, similar secondary schooling systems and a predominance of the English language, set East Africa apart from the rest of the African continent. East African HE functions on a regional, national, and institutional level, and their way of functioning is interdependent.

This thesis is a study of the operation of economic factors in precipitating the outbreak of hostilities in Asia with particular reference to the Japanese invasion of Manchuria, the China "Incident" and Japan's war with the West, It is endeavoured to study the operation of these factors principally through an analysis of Japan's economic problems, for Japan is the setting against which they can be viewed most clearly. Hence, there is first of all made a thorough study of the problems indigenous to the Japanese economic and political structure. Next, the manner in which these problems were affected by the depression, the world-wide trend toward economic nationalism and the economic rivalry between Japan and the West in Asia is studied as well as the manner in which they contributed to the successive outbreaks of hostilities at Nukden, at Loukouchiao and at Pearl Harbour. Finally, the parallel problems of the economic rehabilitation of war-torn Japan and of the preservation of peace in Asia are studied. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate

Volunteers are important contributors to response and recovery. Little is known about their engagement, particularly in terms of comparing the engagement of response volunteers to recovery volunteers. This study sought to explore volunteer engagement in response and recovery in the case of flooding experienced by a number of communities in East Texas following flooding in 2016. Data was gathered through interviews with 72 response and recovery volunteers and key informants, an analysis of key documents, and first-hand observations. This study developed a list of factors that were found to explain volunteer engagement in East Texas and factors suggested by the literature. These factors should be systematically tested in the future to expand our understanding of volunteer engagement. / University of Colorado Natural Hazards Center (Grant)