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This study examines the character of colonial American newspaper science to understand how and to what extent the newspaper contributed to the movement of information between those engaged in science and the public. It explores the issue of the origins of science and the press in America and characterizes the public role of enlightenment science in articles and advertisements pertaining to matters of health, invention and the natural world. The focus is on the mid-Atlantic region of colonial American newspapers including all the extant issues of the Pennsylvania Gazette, Maryland Gazette, Virginia Gazette, and American Weekly Mercury between the years 1728 to 1765. This study aims at informing the discussions of Enlightenment thought in colonial America and the role the newspaper played in the public acceptance of the processes of natural philosophy. The findings reveal that in the eighteenth century the colonial American newspaper became the textual locus through which the negotiations of what would and would not constitute acceptable public explanations of numerous subjects, including natural phenomena, were played out. Along with the public lecture, the newspaper became a primary device where actors and artifacts made legitimizing natural claims to a larger audience and enlisted allies in both scientific and broader disputes. In this way the American colonies paralleled Britain which had seen an increase in the public witnessing of an empirical natural philosophy and an appeal to economic and social gain for that philosophy since the late seventeenth century. In order to enroll a broader constituency, natural philosophers used the newspaper to argue for the value of rational and empirical exploration and its products in everyday affairs, matters of state, and even entertainment. Despite the negotiation through the pages of the general periodical, and despite the lack of strong differentiation between "virtuosi" and "lay" philosophers, the newspaper seldom became a principle place of exchange for the theory and practice of science between those doing science. With some notable and interesting exceptions, the public infrequently became privy to vanguard scientific theory and scientific disputes or enjoyed direct participation through the newspaper. Nevertheless, in eighteenth-century British America, the drive for public acceptance of natural philosophical explanations by those engaged in its explorations made the representative power of the newspaper critical to the success of science. By promoting an empirical view of the world the newspaper helped create a contemporary science, science communication and a society, that to varying degrees accepted the practices of science. / Ph. D.

by Tsang Wai-sau. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1989. / Bibliography: leaves 162-175.

This thesis considers the evolution of the Russian media and assesses the decrease in media freedom and its effect on Russian democracy. The Russian media has lost most of its freedom and ability to report critically over the last five years. Although there are Russian laws that are supposed to protect the freedom of the media, those have not been enforced. In addition, over the last five years a number of reforms have occurred that have removed some of those freedoms. These include laws that restrict coverage of elections, terror events and the Chechen region. The lack of freedom has resulted in the inability for the media to serve their purpose in civil society. This has contributed to civil society's lack of ability to ensure that Russia's government remains democratic. If present trends continue the future does not look good for Russian democracy or the freedom of Russia's media.

Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Media Studies, 2016 / Many African countries have been holding regular elections since the “Third Wave” of democratisation which reintroduced multi-party politics on the African continent, but few of these elections meet the democratic litmus test, due to, among other factors, the prevalence of election violence. The press has been justifiably or unjustifiably indicted for these imbroglios on account of alleged transgressions linked to its overt or covert incitement to violence. In the ensuing political contestations, citizens bear the burden of diminished prospects of credible information occasioned by a highly politicised press. In the Southern African region, there is no better case to illustrate the entanglement of the press in electoral contestations than Zimbabwe. This study is a qualitative exploration of press and citizen discourses on election violence during the presidential and parliamentary elections held in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2013. A Foucauldian discursive analytic approach was used to analyse the representation of election violence in two-state-owned and four privately-owned newspapers during presidential and parliamentary elections held over the specified period spanning thirteen years. The study also examined how these press discourses interrelate with citizen discourses. Empirical data were drawn from a corpus of archival textual data comprising hard news and feature articles published in The Herald, The Sunday Mail, The Zimbabwe Independent, The Financial Gazette, Newsday and the Daily News. In-depth interviews were conducted with purposively targeted journalists and editors from the selected newspapers. In addition, in-depth-interviews were held with twenty-one (21) regular newspaper readers who were also politically engaged citizens. The main observation was that press representation of election violence was marked by antagonistic discursive practices reflective of the rivulets of political and ideological bifurcation. Consequently, competing and politically expedient journalistic philosophies emerged. The state-owned press used a model of ‘national interest’ journalism while the privately-owned press preferred the ‘human-rights’ model which crystallized into an over-arching ‘activist journalism’. This ‘activist’ journalistic approach found expression through an array of anti-democratic press discursive practices epitomised by selectivity, silence and salience, the consequence of which was that citizens were starved of credible and impartial information. This thesis argues that the anti-democratic discursive practices deployed by the press camps blunted the citizenry’s critical engagement with the exact motivations, causes and manifestations of election violence. These anti-democratic discursive practices have a potential to engender a culture of political intolerance with long-term consequences that predispose society to political conflict rather than consensus building. / MT2017

Esta dissertação discute os desdobramentos do projeto do movimento feminista brasileiro na imprensa feminista do País. Apoiada na literatura especializada em feminismo brasileiro e na pesquisa de campo, afirmo que a imprensa feminista pós-1974 pode ser dividida em duas fases distintas: primeira e segunda geração. A primeira preocupada com as questões de classe e com as diferenças sociais, e a segunda pautada pela questão de gênero. Dois acontecimentos históricos marcam a divisão entre a primeira e segunda geração de periódicos feministas: o II e o III Congresso da Mulher Paulista, realizados em 1980 e 1981, respectivamente. / This work discusses the consequences of the Brazilian feminist movement in the Brazilian feminist press. Based on specialized literature in Brazilian feminism and on field research, it shows that the feminist press after-1974 can be divided in two different moments: first and second generations. The first is mainly worried with social class questions and social differences, and the second is mainly focused on genre questions. Two historical events mark the division between the first and the second generation of feminist periodicals: the II and the III São Paulo State Woman Congress, that happened, respectively, in 1980 and 1981.

David Yuk-Cheung Chan. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1980. / Bibliography: l. 245-253.

Esta dissertação discute os desdobramentos do projeto do movimento feminista brasileiro na imprensa feminista do País. Apoiada na literatura especializada em feminismo brasileiro e na pesquisa de campo, afirmo que a imprensa feminista pós-1974 pode ser dividida em duas fases distintas: primeira e segunda geração. A primeira preocupada com as questões de classe e com as diferenças sociais, e a segunda pautada pela questão de gênero. Dois acontecimentos históricos marcam a divisão entre a primeira e segunda geração de periódicos feministas: o II e o III Congresso da Mulher Paulista, realizados em 1980 e 1981, respectivamente. / This work discusses the consequences of the Brazilian feminist movement in the Brazilian feminist press. Based on specialized literature in Brazilian feminism and on field research, it shows that the feminist press after-1974 can be divided in two different moments: first and second generations. The first is mainly worried with social class questions and social differences, and the second is mainly focused on genre questions. Two historical events mark the division between the first and the second generation of feminist periodicals: the II and the III São Paulo State Woman Congress, that happened, respectively, in 1980 and 1981.

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