This thesis has a twofold aim. It first argues that monetary policy is inherently political because it involves struggles over meaning. It modifies Niebyl’s (1946) conceptual approach with an explicit attention to meaning, advancing a theory/ policy discourse/institutional practices nexus for exploring central banking. It shows that the emergence of leading representations of monetary processes (in Ricardo, Keynes and Friedman) involved discursive struggles during periods of crisis to assign meaning to problems and establish dominant interpretations. Politics and power were not grafted onto policy but were ontologically constitutive of it, shaping specific institutional configurations and practices. Second, this conceptualization is taken to a case study: a critical scrutiny of the role played by the central bank of Romania (NBR) in the reconstitution of the postcommunist Romanian economy as neoliberal economy from 1990 to 2008. The thesis asks what does the central bank do when the state, defined through its central planning legacy, ‘retreats’ from the market? The usual account explains policy success as direct result of commitments to neoliberal (monetarist) principles prescribed by international policy advice. Before 1997, neocommunist governments politically validated a communist legacy: soft budget constraints in the (state) productive sector. Politicized monetary policy decisions produced repeated crises. Afterwards, neoliberal governments gradually institutionalized an autonomous economic sphere, allowing an objective formulation and implementation of stability-orientated monetarist policies. The thesis challenges this orthodoxy. It argues against the attempts to erase politics from monetary policy processes that the above account articulates. Instead, drawing on critical conceptualizations of neoliberalism in its shifting forms, the period under analysis will be (re)interpreted as an ongoing process of neoliberalization, with the central bank an important actor in it. Indeed, the narration of crises identified the NBR as an essential instrument of institutional change and neoliberal ‘policy-making’. Monetarist narratives (ideologically) legitimized neoliberalism and effectively enacted neoliberal principles of monetary governance in the central bank. Thus, before 1997, the central bank functioned as a key vehicle of the neoliberal attack on the state’s capacity to craft economic reform. Since neoliberal institutions (also) take time to build, expanding policy repertoires outside the monetarist range invested the central bank with increasing powers to respond to structural and institutional resistance to neoliberal logics, arising from both communist legacies and ongoing political struggles. After 1997, the central bank’s rationality gradually changed to a constructive phase, normalizing an extralocal mode of economic governance whose distinguishing features will be identified. Institutional practices reconstructed the relationship between money, foreign exchange and treasury markets, subjugating liquidity management to the requirements of financialized accumulation. With financial stability increasingly tied into transnational actors’ choices, the NBR adopted inflation targeting. Nevertheless, inflation-targeting’s promise of stability operated to sideline the destabilizing nature of normalized neoliberal practices of monetary management, clearly evoked by the 2008 crisis. The thesis concludes with policy implications and an agenda for future research.

Compared to their typically developing peers, adolescents, and emerging adults with special healthcare needs (AEA-SHCN) disproportionately experience healthcare transition (HCT) disparities and poor access to adult care. Theoretical models that describe how access gaps develop and strategies to address unmet HCT needs are not well understood. While HCT researchers describe both system and patient healthcare barriers, a comprehensive approach that discovers how these factors interact and interfere remains misunderstood. An integrative review (IR) was conducted to understand the multiplicity of these factors. An intersectional theory (IT) provided further clarity on how key findings influence patient HCT experiences. Several themes were found to intersect and thus increase the HCT complexity, particularly for patients with social disadvantages. Communication gaps, mismatched goals/expectations, and poorly defined roles were common themes. Poor health equity, disparities in access, and inadequate HCT support intersected with poor patient HCT experiences, while youth with stigma-related diseases were most at-risk for poor provider-relationships. The thematic synthesis provided granularity to these experiences with characterizations as fear, loss, and uncertainty with access change. Social change implications underscore the need to reframe poor patient HCT experiences as potential opportunities for health policy advocates and clinicians to address unmet HCT needs.

Les jeunes (15 à 29 ans) sont particulièrement vulnérables aux chocs économiques et la capacité à intégrer le marché du travail est une étape importante influençant leur bien-être à long terme. La crise financière de 2007-08 a donc eu des effets importants sur eux. En réponse, les États capitalistes avancés ont adopté une série de politiques pour aider les jeunes. Pourtant, malgré ces nouvelles politiques, les dépenses publiques pour le marché du travail n’ont pas augmenté de manière stable lors de la période. Les analyses récentes semblent confirmer qu’au lieu d’investir dans les programmes plus dispendieux, les États adoptent des politiques axées sur une rhétorique de droits et de responsabilités. En effet, selon certains chercheurs, les États ont adopté des politiques qui créent des incitatifs pour joindre le marché du travail au lieu d’investir dans le capital humain. La recherche actuelle appuie l'argumentaire que les États-providence convergent autour de politiques de faible coût. Nonobstant les pressions pour le changement, les États ont différents besoins. Ainsi, il reste improbable qu’ils adoptent les mêmes solutions. Aucune analyse récente n’a étudié les politiques d’emploi des jeunes adoptées depuis la crise financière. Cette thèse pose alors la question, comment est-ce que les États-providence ont modifié leurs politiques de transition depuis la crise financière? La thèse répond à cette question à partir de trois cadres analytiques du changement politique. Ces cadres sont appliqués à trois études de cas : le Danemark, la France et le Royaume-Uni. Afin de pleinement considérer ces politiques dans toute leur complexité, cette thèse se sert d'une typologie des incitatifs d'activation pour comparer des mélanges d'instruments entre gouvernements. Une fois les mélanges d'incitatifs déterminés, une analyse de process-tracing détermine comment les États ont modifié leurs politiques de transition depuis la crise financière. Ces recherches nous permettent de constater que ces trois pays ont adopté de nouvelles politiques pour l’emploi des jeunes depuis la crise financière. Dans chaque étude de cas, les États ont adopté des politiques qui perpétuent la logique d’action dominante. Or, chaque étude de cas a aussi adopté des politiques qui dévient de la logique d’action dominante. Ces changements sont expliqués à l'aide de trois cadres théoriques, l'apprentissage, les ressources et l'institutionnalisme historique. Cette recherche contribue à la littérature de l'État-providence en outrepassant la littérature existante et donnant un rapport détaillé des politiques d'activation pour les jeunes et de leur adoption depuis la crise financière. / Youth (15 to 29-year-olds) are vulnerable to economic shocks, and the ability to enter the labour market has significant effects on their long-term wellbeing. Consequently, the 2007-08 financial crisis had the potential to affect youth gravely, which is why welfare states adopted a series of policy initiatives to help youth in the post-crisis. Although countries adopted policies, traditional data such as labour market policy expenditures do not reveal increased spending consistent with higher unemployment levels. Research also shows welfare states have favoured policies that reinforce incentives to join the labour market and help individuals market their skills over more expensive policies that invest in human capital since the financial crisis. These analyses support the argument welfare states are converging around low-cost policies. These pressures notwithstanding, the adoption of similar policies is unusual because the needs between countries remain diverse. For that reason, and despite the factors inhibiting change, countries should not be adopting the same policies to respond to high youth unemployment. This dissertation investigates this complex policy environment by using a typology of activation incentives to compare policy instrument mixes between governments. Process-tracing is then used to determine how welfare states modified their youth employment policies since the financial crisis. First, qualitative data is used to identify the different policy mixes adopted in each case. Second, the policymaking process is analyzed using process-tracing methods. Research findings indicate all three cases, Denmark, France, and the United Kingdom, adopted new youth policies after the financial crisis. In addition to funding policies that continue typical logics found in each country, evidence shows each case adopted policies that deviate from established logics. These results are explained using three theoretical frameworks to identify mechanisms for change: policy learning, power resources and historical institutionalism. For each case, the dissertation outlines how these factors interacted to affect the policymaking process. This research contributes to welfare state literature by going beyond existing quantitative analysis to provide an in-depth account of youth activation policies and the policymaking process in the post-crisis.

Die fortgeschrittene Phase der Energiewende ist, neben einer zunehmenden Notwendigkeit zur Systemintegration, vor allem geprägt durch das Zutage treten grundsätzlicher Richtungsentscheidungen – der Schwerpunkt verschiebt sich also vom ‚Ob‘ zum ‚Wie‘. Heutige Infrastrukturentscheidungen begründen dabei ganz unterschiedliche Energiezukünfte, welche wiederum über sozio-technische Pfadabhängigkeiten auf Dauer gestellt werden. Die Arbeit rückt zunächst die hierfür maßgeblichen Stellschrauben in den Vordergrund und beleuchtet deren wirtschaftliche und technische Grundlagen sowie die Bandbreite konkurrierender politischer Steuerungsoptionen. Auf dieser Datengrundlage wird im Rahmen einer Clusteranalyse die Aktualisierung des politikfeldspezifischen Akteurskoalitionsmodells vorgeschlagen. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei die strukturbildende Unterscheidung zwischen einer eher zentralen und einer eher dezentralen Energiezukunft. Die so skizzierte ‚Landkarte der Energiewende‘ ist weiterhin eingebettet in eine Untersuchung des Energiediskurses auf Akteurs- und Medienebene sowie durch eine Politikfeldanalyse, in der aktuelle steuerungspolitische Problemstellungen und Handlungsmuster auf Basis technologischer Fallbeispiele beleuchtet werden. Die Arbeit ist ein Ergebnis der Forschung im interdisziplinären Boysen-TU Dresden Graduiertenkolleg „Nachhaltige Energiesysteme – Interdependenz von technischer Gestaltung und gesellschaftlicher Akzeptanz.“