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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
11

Chiefs and democratic transition in Africa an ethnographic study in the chiefdoms of Tshivhase and Bali /

Fokwang, Jude Thaddeus Dingbobga. January 2003 (has links)
Thesis (MA(Social Science))--University of Pretoria, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. Available on the Internet via the World Wide Web.
12

Dimensions of kaitiakitanga : an investigation of a customary Maori principle of resource management

Kawharu, Merata January 1998 (has links)
No description available.
13

Traditional leaders in South Africa: Yesterday, today and tomorrow.

Bizana-Tutu, Dolly. January 2008 (has links)
<p>Traditional leaders were occupying communal political positions sanctified by cultural mores and values who enjoy the legitimacy of particular communities to direct their affairs. Their basis of legitimacy is tradition, which includes the whole range of inherited culture and way of life, a people's history, moral and social values and the traditional institutions which survive to serve those values. As stated by Bennett, the structure of tribes contained no more than a few thousand indivuduals. Members were assumed to be related by a tie of kinship and due to their ancestry, they were a homogenious group. They were three rungs in the hierarchy of traditional leadership, the Kumkani (King), the Nkosi (or Chief, a term the traditional leaders do not like because it is of colonial imposition), and the lowest rung called the Headman or junior traditional leader. Traditional rulers required no special training as they were qualified for office by their ansestry alone / a king is a king because he is born to it. Furthermore, the all inclusive powers of government were not differentiated, in the Western manner, into judicial, administrative and legislative categories. In South Africa the office was hereditary according to the principle of primogeniture in the male line. There was a duty to consult councillors and to act for the benefit of the people. Even though many of the issues of traditional leadership were similar across the country, it must be accepted that traditional leadershipis the expression of different nations. Each African nation had a dirresent system of customary law and different models of traditional societal organisation in which traditional leadership plays diferent roles. If the grip of traditional leaders on the masses of the people were not broken, it would not be easy for colonial powers to get a listening ear from the people and therefore to govern as they saw fit...</p>
14

Traditional leaders in South Africa: Yesterday, today and tomorrow.

Bizana-Tutu, Dolly. January 2008 (has links)
<p>Traditional leaders were occupying communal political positions sanctified by cultural mores and values who enjoy the legitimacy of particular communities to direct their affairs. Their basis of legitimacy is tradition, which includes the whole range of inherited culture and way of life, a people's history, moral and social values and the traditional institutions which survive to serve those values. As stated by Bennett, the structure of tribes contained no more than a few thousand indivuduals. Members were assumed to be related by a tie of kinship and due to their ancestry, they were a homogenious group. They were three rungs in the hierarchy of traditional leadership, the Kumkani (King), the Nkosi (or Chief, a term the traditional leaders do not like because it is of colonial imposition), and the lowest rung called the Headman or junior traditional leader. Traditional rulers required no special training as they were qualified for office by their ansestry alone / a king is a king because he is born to it. Furthermore, the all inclusive powers of government were not differentiated, in the Western manner, into judicial, administrative and legislative categories. In South Africa the office was hereditary according to the principle of primogeniture in the male line. There was a duty to consult councillors and to act for the benefit of the people. Even though many of the issues of traditional leadership were similar across the country, it must be accepted that traditional leadershipis the expression of different nations. Each African nation had a dirresent system of customary law and different models of traditional societal organisation in which traditional leadership plays diferent roles. If the grip of traditional leaders on the masses of the people were not broken, it would not be easy for colonial powers to get a listening ear from the people and therefore to govern as they saw fit...</p>
15

Early Islamic Oman and early Ibadism in the Arabic sources

Ubaydli, Ahmad January 1990 (has links)
No description available.
16

The interaction of politics, settlement and church in mediaeval Ireland : Uí Maine as a case study

Grabowski, Kathryn Cecil January 1988 (has links)
No description available.
17

Traditional leaders in South Africa: Yesterday, today and tomorrow

Bizana-Tutu, Dolly January 2008 (has links)
Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / Traditional leaders were occupying communal political positions sanctified by cultural mores and values who enjoy the legitimacy of particular communities to direct their affairs. Their basis of legitimacy is tradition, which includes the whole range of inherited culture and way of life, a people's history, moral and social values and the traditional institutions which survive to serve those values. As stated by Bennett, the structure of tribes contained no more than a few thousand indivuduals. Members were assumed to be related by a tie of kinship and due to their ancestry, they were a homogenious group. They were three rungs in the hierarchy of traditional leadership, the Kumkani (King), the Nkosi (or Chief, a term the traditional leaders do not like because it is of colonial imposition), and the lowest rung called the Headman or junior traditional leader. Traditional rulers required no special training as they were qualified for office by their ansestry alone; a king is a king because he is born to it. Furthermore, the all inclusive powers of government were not differentiated, in the Western manner, into judicial, administrative and legislative categories. In South Africa the office was hereditary according to the principle of primogeniture in the male line. There was a duty to consult councillors and to act for the benefit of the people. Even though many of the issues of traditional leadership were similar across the country, it must be accepted that traditional leadershipis the expression of different nations. Each African nation had a dirresent system of customary law and different models of traditional societal organisation in which traditional leadership plays diferent roles. If the grip of traditional leaders on the masses of the people were not broken, it would not be easy for colonial powers to get a listening ear from the people and therefore to govern as they saw fit. / South Africa
18

The Caribou tribal council

Zirnhelt, David January 1976 (has links)
Traditionally, the native people of the North American continent did not evolve levels of organization beyond that of the band. In addition, political organizations as we know them did not exist. As a result there is no historical precedent for the levels of organization which the Indian leadership now recognize as necessary for the protection of what remains of their way of life, and for a rebirth of their culture under conditions that they control, independent of the Department of Indian Affairs which has controlled much of their lives over the past century. In the late 1960's, partly as a result of the permissibility of democratic ideology adopted by the DIA and partly because of the increase of sophistication of the Indian leadership in dealing with the white man's ways, the movement towards more local control has seen demands placed upon the DIA to respond to the Indian's needs as they themselves define them. This thesis traces the recent development in the Cariboo-Chilcotin region of the Interior of B.C.; and in particular, the development of the Caribou Tribal Council (CTC) as it increased its political capability and attempted to mount an independence movement and control the program funds of DIA following the rejection of government funds by the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs. Material collected for this thesis includes extensive interviews with Tribal Council members and resource people, the written documentation immediately relevant to this subject, and viewing video tape films of some recent important meetings. In developing this interpretive chronology, the author witnessed several meetings of the Tribal Council and one of their major workshops. In addition, various people associated with the Council have commented on the draft of the paper. The struggle to unify three distinct cultural groupings makes the alliance of bands at best a loose alliance. The Caribou Tribal Council was able to develop and maintain the initiative in policy matters towards the Department of Indian Affairs. That initiative, partly because of efforts of the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs, was given strength by the cultural movement towards independence of Indian people. Because the Department did not respond quickly and positively to the Indian initiative, the political strength of the CTC waned enough to a point where the DIA could re-establish its initiative and the CTC was forced to react. The DIA initiative was a return to its former position of stating that it would decide when the Indian people were ready for more control over Departmental programs and what form the training for that control would take. In the meantime the other major thrust of Indian political activity, that of the land claims, which is not directed at DIA, remains a focus of considerable energy. What will become of the land claim issue is difficult to say, but at least some bands seem to be resolute in their efforts to achieve recognition and settlement of the claim. In the meantime, the local DIA office remains a symbol of the presence of the agency which had controlled so much of the lives of the Indian people, and on which they seem to have become dependent. As a symbol, it remains a target for the alliance of the three tribes comprised of the 15 bands in the district. A recent political phenomenon which is related to the need for an increased administrative capability on the part of bands is the emergence of Area Councils based largely on tribal cultural lines. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate
19

Report on the development of tribal authorities in Gazankulu

Hartman, J.B. January 1993 (has links)
No abstract available / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 1993. / gm2014 / Anthropology and Archaeology / unrestricted
20

Ukuqanjwa kwamagama emizi ezigodini zakwesakwaMkhwanazi kwaDlangezwa

Ndaba, Emmanuel Zakhele January 2010 (has links)
Submitted in fulfillment for the degree Master of Arts in the department of IsiZulu naMagugu at the University of Zululand, 2010. / Lolu cwaningo luyimizamo enzulu yokuveza ubuhlakani isizwe samaZulu esabuphiwa nguMdali, kusukela kokhokho bawokhokho kuze kufike kulesi sizukulwane kuphinde kwedlulele esizukulwaneni esizayo. Kuyadumaza ukubona isizwe kuthi ngoba sehlulwa empini ngesinye isizwe bese silahla konke okungamagugu, amasiko, ubuhlakani, umlando, ulimi lwaso nakho konke okusichaza kangcono phakathi kwezinye izizwe ngoba sigcina sesingasaliqondi imuva nephambili laso. Kuze kwabhekwa ukuma komuzi wesiZulu ngokwehlukana kwezinhlangothi ngokugana kwabalobokazi. Isibonelo: iNdlunkulu, ikhohlo kanye neqadi. Indawo lapha isibayo sakhiwa khona phakathi nomuzi ukuze wonke umuntu abone esibayeni ngaphandle kokusitheka. Ziningi izindlela okwakhiwa ngazo imizi kodwa lolu cwaningo lukwazile ukwehlukanisa imikhukhu, imizi yesilungu kuleyo eyakhiwe isiZulu phaqa. Lolu cwaningo lube nokulandelela lufuna iqiniso ngokuqanjwa kwamagama emizi ezigodini zakwesakwaMkhwanazi KwaDlangezwa. Kutholakale ukuthi ukuqanjwa kwamagama emizi kuvela emibhinqweni, ngokuklolodelana, esimeni sendawo umuzi owakhiwe kuyo njalonjalo. Isahluko sokuqala sicacisa kuthi bha izinhloso zalolu cwaningo. Kulezi zinhloso kuvela nenkuthazo ekhuthaze umcwaningi ukuba acwaninge ngalesi sihloko. Ubekwenza elandela ukusuka nokuhlala kwesiko elilandelwayo uma umuntu ephuma umuzi nokuqanjwa kwegama lomuzi. Kuso lesi sahluko kuyacaciswa ukuthi kubaluleke ngani ukuqanjwa kwegama lomuzi ngomuzi, kubukwa nendlela okuqanjwa ngayo amagama emizi ezigodi zakwesakwaMkhwanazi KwaDlangezwa. Kulesi sahluko kubhekwa nendima okuzohanjwa kuyo eyimingcele yocwaningo. Lokho kusiza ukuthi lo msebenzi ungahambi unhlanhlathe kodwa uqoqeke. Ucwaningo luvezile ukuthi obani okumele bahlomule. Imibono yezingcithabuchopho ilunothisile ucwaningo. Isahluko sesibili sidingida ngemizi emibalwa engaphansi kwesigodi saseMangezi KwaDlangezwa ngaphansi kweNkosi uMkhwanazi. Kubhekwe ukuqanjwa kwamagama emizi nenjula yakho kusukela ezikhonkwaneni ezehlukanisa indawo yakwaDlangezwa nendawo yasOngoye engaphansi kweNkosi uMzimela, kwedlulelwe eMatshemathathu kuze kuyogcina eNtingweni kwaLugweba ngaseMhlathuze esigodini seNduna uMnqayi. Isahluko sesithathu kucutshungulwe ukuqanjwa kwamagama emizi kusukela ngaseMthungulwini eduze neThempeli laseNazaretha eWozawoza. Kwagudlwa ngasesitolo kwaCaluza kodwa awangeqiwa umfula iNkonjane, kwagcinwa ngomuzi wakwaNgqondonkulu (University of Zululand). Kuphindwe kwehliwa ngomfula obheke eMangezi kodwa awangawelwa umfula uMangezi. Empeleni kuzungezwe isigodi esingaphansi kweNduna uMuntu Mkheseni Zibani. Ucwaningo luvezile ukuthi yiziphi izinto ezikhinyabeza inhlalakahle yabantu uma umuntu engaphumanga ngokusesikweni. Inhlupheko, amashwa, ukufa kwabantu nempahla njalonjalo. Ucwaningo luphinde lwaveza ngokusobala indlela okungalungiswa ngayo. Isahluko sesine kucwaningwe ngokuqanjwa kwamagama emizi esigodini saseNkonjane kusukela emfuleni iNkonjane eduze neThempeli laseNazaretha eDumisani, kukhushukwe kwaze kwayogcina ngasesikoleni eMvuzemvuze. Kuphindwe kwehliwa ngomgwaqo uN2 kwedlulwa ngasesitolo kwaZenzele kwaze kwayogcinwa ngomfula uMhlathuze. Empeleni kuzungezwe isigodi seNduna ubaba uMfakeni Julius Mkhwanazi. Ucwaningo luthole ukuthi ukuqanjwa kwamagama emizi kuvela ekuklolodelaneni, ekubhinqaneni, ekukhunkulaneni kwemindeni, ekuziphatheni kwabalobokazi ekhaya njalonjalo. Isibonelo: KwaGodlabathakathi, kwaPhumphele, kwaMntezinyele, kwaCezukukhuluma njalonjalo. Imiphumela yokukhala nokugedla kwamazinyo kumuntu othakathayo ekhaya lapho izikhuni sezibuya ngomkhwezeli nesiphetho sakhe okungukufa kwakhe nendlu yakhe. Isahluko sesihlanu kucwaningwe imizi embalwa engaphansi kwesigodi saseMahunu ngaphansi kweNduna uMandlakayise Mnguni KwaDlangezwa. Kucutshungulwe ukuqanjwa kwamagama emizi nenjula yakho kusukela phansi olwandle ngaseThempelini laseNazaretha eNelisiwe kwaze kwayogcinwa ngomgwaqo ohlukanisa isigodi saseNahunu nelokishi lasEsikhawini ngakwaMcebisi. Kulesi sahluko ucwaningo luthole ukuthi ukuqanjwa kwamagama emizi imvamisa impilo yomuzi iyalilandela igama lawo. Isibonelo: KwaHlengimpilo, Ekukhanyeni, kwaThandwayinkosi njalonjalo. Indlela umuzi owakhiwa ngayo: iNdlunkulu, ikhohlo, iqadi, isibaya, isokangqangi, amalawu ezintombi nezinsizwa njalonjalo. Kucwaningwe ngeqhaza lolimi lwesiZulu, amasiko namagugu esizwe. Isahluko sesithupha siqukethe isihlaziyo socwaningo, kuvezwa konke okuthiwe kuzolandelwa. Ucwaningo lwenze iqoqa lawo wonke umsebenzi ovele ezakhiweni ezehlukene. Ucwaningo lubuye lwadingida izincomo ezihambisana nawo wonke umsebenzi oveziwe ezahlukweni ezahlukene. Esiphethweni salolu cwaningo zinconyiwe izinhlelo ezinegalelo ekususeni inkungu yokungazi ngokubaluleka kokuqanjwa komuzi igama.

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