Shaykh Aḥmad al-R­ūmī al-Āqḥiṣārī (d. 1041/1632), Ḥanafi jurist, theologian and Sufi, is largely an unknown figure to scholars of Ottoman religious history. Progress towards disclosing key aspects of al-Āqḥiṣārī’s thought has been made in recent times thanks to the important contributions of Y. Michot, who has, in particular, demonstrated the association of al-Āqḥiṣārī with the Ottoman puritanical movement, the Qaḍīzādelis. Building upon Michot’s work, this study delves further into the works of al-Āqḥiṣārī especially his seminal contribution, the Majālis al-abrār. The study sets out its main themes and the authorities on which it is based; it then moves to show the degree of overlap between al-Āqḥiṣārī’s understandings and Naqshbandī Sufism, as well as the extent to which his thought converges with that of better-known Ottoman puritans such as Birgivī Efendī (d. 981/1573) and Qaḍīzāde (d. 1044/1635). It is suggested that the impact of the Majālis al-abrār on the Qāḍīzādelis had the outcome in the second half of the seventeenth century of increasing the violence of their activists, a development which ultimately led to their downfall. A key aspect of this study is the re-examination of the view that the Qāḍīzādelis were a proto-Wahhābī or proto-Salafī movement, which is typical in the existing literature. Whilst demonstrating the influence of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 751/1350) and his teacher, Aḥmad b. Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), upon al-Āqḥiṣārī’s thought, the limits of this influence are clearly demonstrated by bringing to light al-Āqḥiṣārī’s distinct doctrinal and legal positions, which were very much embedded within the Ottoman Islam of his times. Ultimately, by studying the relationship between al-Āqḥiṣārī’s masterpiece, the Majālis al-abrār and Qāḍīzādeli and Naqshbandī beliefs, the study aims to place the movement in its own Ottoman, Ḥanafī, and Sufi milieu, thereby challenging the dominant approach which reads the movement through modern paradigms.

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Influenced by national Communists with whom he came in contact in Bolshevik Russia, Sevket Sureyya Aydemir developed in early republican Turkey a theory which he called theory of national emancipation movements. According to this theory, the emancipation of a colonial nation did not consist only of obtaining political sovereignty. A vanguard of revolutionary elite had to monopolize power, and lead the nation to the creation of a classless society. It was understood that the coming of this new society was the prerequisite for the success of socialist revolution in industrialized countries. Yet, although many in the Kemalist regime felt sympathetic to this theory, the regime did ultimately not endorse it. This is a significant turning point in modern Turkish history, for this response, among other indicators, shows that the new Turkish regime was willing to be a part of the European system despite the latter's record as colonizer and imperialist.

This thesis is a study of one of the most important national statesmen, politicians, and economists in the history of Turkish republic: Celal Bayar. It will analyze his impact on the Turkish revolution and the evolution of the nation's politics. Celal Bayar, Turkey's third president did not fit the mold of his country's top politicians of the day. He was essentially different from all the other key players of his generation in terms of his background, education, experience, career path, and even length of life. Those who have written about him have for the most part been either uncritical admirers or bitter enemies. Though he held, in turn, the positions of Minister of the Economy, Prime Minister and President (he was the first civilian to hold this part) during one of the most critical periods in Turkish political history. Thus, he was overshadowed by his predecessors Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and Ismet Inonu. Yet his very uniqueness makes him an apt subject for study. / Celal Bayar deserves our attention because he undertook crucial responsibilities and duties in the social and economic transformation of Turkey. In an era of strong state policies that made up for the weakness of the social classes, Bayar was the founder of the nation's mixed economy. During the Turkish revolution and the subsequent formation of a united Turkish society, he devoted himself to the development of the national economy. Throughout his political career he exercised a decisive influence over the evolution of the country's politics, economy, society, and foreign relations. Despite his importance, there is a general dearth of academic studies in English about him---a situation that this study seeks to correct.

The Manaqib al-`Arifin is a series of hagiographic biographies of the first Mevlevi masters. It was written in Persian by the dervish Eflaki in the first half of the fourteenth century in Konya. Because of the limited number of narrative sources from that period, Eflaki appears as an outstanding witness of the late Seldjuk, Ilkhanid, and early Beylik period in Anatolia. / This thesis intends to evaluate the Manaqib al-`Arifin as a source for political history. While previous historical scholarship has made frequent use of this source for isolated episodes, barely any systematic study of the Manaqib has been published yet. / The evaluation presented in this thesis results from a comparison between every element of information that can be considered "political" in the Manaqib al-`Arifin and current scholarship on the respective topic. These elements of information fall into four broad categories: The Seldjuk of Anatolia, the akhi organization, the Ilkhan state, and the beylik states. / The most part of this thesis consists in an exhaustive enumeration of the elements of political history that could be found in the Manaqib. In turn, these elements set the tone of the global conclusion of the inquiry, that is to say that the Manaqib al-`Arifin, without being a revolutionary source, offers information which is often original and which, under certain conditions, can prove highly reliable.

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