Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-06-15T16:37:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Diego Garcia Braga_.pdf: 2337757 bytes, checksum: 1cdf262c592391d3d1e9b50243cf3876 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-15T16:37:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Diego Garcia Braga_.pdf: 2337757 bytes, checksum: 1cdf262c592391d3d1e9b50243cf3876 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-05 / FAPERGS - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul / A presente pesquisa parte da temática do regime civil-militar brasileiro, voltada à fronteira oeste sul-rio-grandense, para analisar o sistema bipartidário brasileiro (1966-1979), bem como as relações intra e interpartidárias envolvendo a Arena e o MDB em Alegrete. Ela se propõe verificar a forma com que as estruturas do regime em questão interagiram com as características da política local e vice-versa. Desse modo, o estudo de caso enfatiza a necessidade do olhar sobre o regime autoritário a partir da perspectiva do interior, muitas vezes portadores de dinâmicas sociais completamente diferentes das do grande centro urbano. Assim, os dois partidos foram avaliados nos âmbitos estrutural, estratégico e competitivo, a partir dos pleitos municipais de 1968, 1972 e 1976, estendendo a abordagem aos desempenhos nos escrutínios alegretenses referentes às eleições gerais. Embasando-se em importantes auxílios da História e da Ciência Política, foi possível discutir com o caso brasileiro aspectos a respeito do funcionamento dos sistemas bipartidários e os domínios dos partidos políticos, bem como o intrincado caminho que reflete sobre os espaços de atuação dos indivíduos e grupos, em vista do autoritarismo e da maior imprevisibilidade do campo politico da época. Isso permitiu que contrariássemos aquilo que indicam muitos estudos, de que o bipartidarismo brasileiro foi artificial e a Arena e o MDB os partidos do “sim” e do “sim, senhor”. De fato, a nível nacional ambos tiveram as suas atribuições significativamente restringidas, principalmente o segundo. Contudo, consideramos esta uma generalização perigosa, pois os dados referentes ao município de Alegrete mostram realidade diferente. O MDB venceu as disputas para o Executivo e conquistou maioria no Legislativo local durante o período de maior repressão do regime. A Arena, por sua vez, reverteu esse cenário na segunda metade dos anos de 1970, época em que enfrentou desgaste em nível nacional, ao contrário do MDB. Em vista disso, verificou-se que os dois tiveram certa autonomia para traçar as suas respectivas estratégias, devido as características da política local, o acirramento das clivagens anteriores a 1966 e a combinação entre aspectos mantidos e outros criados pelo regime autoritário. Acerca deste último, teve-se nas sublegendas importante meio para examinar as disputas partidárias, embora tenham sido criadas para beneficiar a Arena. Assim, avaliamos que o bipartidarismo brasileiro apresentou atributos singulares, sendo, portanto, bastante complexo. Porém, ao relacionar política nacional e local, dificilmente o bipartidarismo pode ser considerado artificial. / This research about the Brazilian civil-military regime, is focused on the western border of Rio Grande do Sul state, to analyze the Brazilian two-party system (1966-1979), as well as intra- and inter-party relations involving the Arena and the MDB in Alegrete. It proposes to verify the way the typical structures of the dictatorship interacted with the characteristics of local politics and "vice versa". This way, the case study emphasizes the need to look at the authoritarian regime from the inland perspective, with held social dynamics completely different of the large urban centers. Thus, the two parties have been evaluated in structural, strategic and competitive levels, from municipal elections of 1968, 1972 and 1976, extending the approach to performance in the votings of Alegrete, relative for the General elections. Grounded on the contribution of History and Political Science, it discusses with the Brazilian case and the aspects regarding the operation of the two-party systems and in the fields of political parties as well as the intricate path that reflects on the areas of action of individuals and groups, in view of authoritarianism and increased unpredictability of the political field of the time. This allowed us to contradict many studies that indicate that the Brazilian bipartisanship was artificial and Arena and the MDB was the parties of "yes" and "yes, sir". In fact, nationally, both had their powers significantly restricted, especially the second. However, we consider this a dangerous generalization, because the search data of Alegrete city shows a different reality. The MDB won the elections for the executive and won majority in the local legislature during the period of greatest repression of the dictatorship. Arena, in turn, reversed this scenario in the second half of the 1970s, time when faced wear and tear in the national level, unlike the MDB. As a result, was founded that the two had some autonomy to chart their respective strategies, due to the local political characteristics, the intensification of fissions prior to 1966 and for the combination between other aspects created by the authoritarian regime. About this latter, the sublegendas are a important way to examine the parties disputes, although they have been created to benefit the Arena. Thus, we conclude that the Brazilian bipartisanship presented unique attributes, and is therefore quite complex. However, by linking national and local politics, the two-party system hardly can be considered artificial.

This paper is mainly anchored in assemblies and parades handled by police agency¡¨. First of all, assemblies and parades are the basic human rights protected by our constitution. The purpose of the police¡¦s involvement in the handling of those activities is to safeguard citizens¡¦ exercise of their rights. Secondly, from analysis of practical cases and through verification of experimental activities and modification of theories, reasonable and proper principles of handling such activities can be submitted as a reference for policemen¡¦s law enforcement and education and training. Finally, the study discusses the contents and regulations of the Law of Parade and Demonstration. It also provides directions of modification of the law through theories and experiments in order to make the law more perfect, protect human rights granted by the constitution, and further inspire people¡¦s law-abiding spirit. From my practical experiences in handling assemblies and parades over the years in police organizations of basic level and this study, the author found that the cases of assemblies and parades in Kaohsiung City during the period from 2001 to 2005 were different in their types. Case-by-case analysis, examination of evidence and deductive method were adopted to examine if the police adhere to the principles of ¡§protecting lawful assemblies¡¨, ¡§banning unlawful assemblies, and ¡§imposing sanction against violence¡§, and if they take the positions of ¡§To rule by law¡¨, ¡§administrative neutrality¡¨ and ¡§strict enforcement of law¡¨ at the same time. If not, the results will turn out to be different. In recent years, people¡¦s political consciousness has been rising and the assertion of individual rights and interests has aroused more and more attention. Besides, the two-party system has almost taken shape in Taiwan. Consequently, assemblies and parades become normal in today¡¦s plural and diversified society. The police should know how to play the role of law enforcement and protector correctly. To achieve the goal, the policemen should accumulate their practical experiences and carry out case analysis continuously. By combining ¡§theories¡¨ with ¡§practices¡¨ together, this study reflects the advantages and disadvantages of the police in handling assemblies and parades at current stage, and point out the direction of amendment to the present Law of Parade and Demonstration. Finally, this study submits one set of concrete and feasible plan for the police agency to follow, and I hope that the plan will be helpful in handling assemblies and parades in the future.

This thesis consists of four independent essays, which consider different topics in information economics and political economy. The first two papers are variants of the same idea. An uninformed principal, e.g., a government, will make a decision. In order to gain more information it may consult two experts; however, these experts have a private interest in certain policies being implemented. The question is, to gain as much information as possible, should the principal consult experts who are biased in the same direction, or experts who prefer different decisions? The main result is that, as long as collusion between experts can be prevented, homogeneous panels are superior to heterogeneous ones, and this advantage increases with the experts’ informational precision. In the third paper, two firms consider entry in a new product market and must decide when to enter the market and how to design their product. Firms do not know for certain what the best design is, so both firms want to outwait the other’s decision in order to gain more information. The focus of the paper is on which firm will make the first decision. The main result is that if products are strong (strategic) substitutes, the worst informed firm makes the first decision in equilibrium. The analysis should apply to a range of other contexts, such as investors’ trading decisions or the policy choices of political candidates. The final paper asks the following question: Could it be that parties in a two-party system may benefit from using several candidates in the same election? To promote the use of multiple candidates, I assume that a party never runs the risk of having its votes split up among its candidates. Despite this, it turns out that parties have a strong incentive to restrict their number of nominees. Paradoxically, it seems that the more uncertain parties are about voter opinion, the fewer candidates they want to use. In particular, with a uniform voter distribution the optimal number of candidates is one. / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögsk., 2001 S. v-vii: sammanfattning, s. 1-72: 4 uppsatser