L’elaborato consiste in uno studio filologico sul testo della Regula pastoralis di Gregorio Magno e sulla sua prima diffusione. La tesi è strutturata in quattro sezioni: nella prima parte si ripercorre brevemente la storia degli studi critici sul testo della Regula pastoralis e si discutono i criteri metodologici adoperati per la selezione dei testimoni, che vengono di seguito descritti singolarmente in schede codicologiche. Nella seconda parte si analizzano i rapporti tra la Regula pastoralis e due altre opere gregoriane, i Moralia in Iob e l’epistola Synodica, allo scopo di definire sia l’occasione che le modalità con cui la Regula venne composta. Sempre in questa sezione si affronta il tema delle diverse campagne correttive autoriali che hanno interessato la Regula pastoralis e, contestualmente, si presentano alcune varianti riconducibili alla prima stesura del testo. La terza parte della tesi contiene la discussione dei passi che permettono di definire le diverse ramificazioni stemmatiche, insieme ad alcuni approfondimenti sulla storia della tradizione. Nella sezione finale è presentato il testo critico della prima metà della Regula pastoralis, comprendente sia le lezioni della prima redazione, collocate nella prima fascia di apparato, sia della seconda, poste a testo. Conclude l’elaborato un’appendice in cui si leggono i passi compresi tra i capitoli XXXI e LXIV interessati da interventi autoriali, dei quali si fornisce la forma ante e post correzione.

Romedio e il dibattito storiografico: Il presente lavoro nasce dal desiderio di affrontare la questione romediana in un’ottica nuova, che unisca l’approfondimento della tradizione ad uno studio dei racconti agiografici di Romedio secondo un approccio culturale più vasto. Nello specifico, in una prima parte ci si propone di inquadrare la questione romediana attraverso il dibattito storiografico che nelle diverse epoche ha permesso di delineare come estremamente problematico e assolutamente non univoco il profilo dell’eremita anaune, a rischio di ideologizzazioni e strumentalizzazioni politiche della sua figura. Le agiografie medievali di Romedio: Lo sviluppo della tesi parte dall’analisi della tradizione medievale delle leggende romediane. Dopo aver presentato ciascuna Vita, sia dal punto di vista dei manoscritti che delle edizioni a stampa, si riconosce quale obiettivo principale l’opportunità di approfondire lo studio dell’ultima agiografia dell’eremita anaune, denominata in questa sede come versione K, in virtù della scoperta che la leggenda romediana riportata dal manoscritto sangiorgiano della biblioteca di Karlsruhe (K = Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, St. Georgen 14, ff. 1r -10r) ci consegna la più recente e la più interessante agiografia, frutto della contaminazione di due versioni precedenti, corrispondenti alle Vitae BHL 7144 e 7145. L’edizione della vita K: L’allestimento dell’edizione della vita K verte attorno a due questioni fondamentali: si unisce infatti la problematica di un’agiografia attestata da un codex unicus allo studio del codice illustrato. Dopo aver riconosciuto la stretta corrispondenza che l’agiografia K intesse con le 10 illustrazioni che la accompagnano, si individua un rapporto biunivoco tra il testo e le immagini, tale però da superare, nelle suggestioni visuali introdotte, il contenuto veicolato dal solo testo scritto. Le icone biografiche: Per questa ragione si è scelto di connettere lo studio storico –letterario delle leggende romediane al contributo di ulteriori discipline quali la paleografia, ma soprattutto agli studi iconografici e storico –artistici. Si è rilevato molto proficuo il confronto con la tradizione iconica di matrice orientale. Nello specifico si è proposta una connessione tra le illustrazioni del codice K e le tradizionali celebrazioni in occasioni delle feste dei santi: si è potuto stabilire un netto parallelismo tra l’esposizione delle icone biografiche dei santi durante la pubblica lettura delle loro agiografie, affinché il fedele, immerso nella contemplazione del ritratto venerabile, potesse trovare conferma e motivo di riflessione nella corrispondenza dei fatti narrati dall’agiografia con gli episodi più significativi rappresentati iconograficamente. Considerato quindi l’allestimento codicologico della Vita di Romedio riportata dal manoscritto di Karlsruhe, pare di assistere alla proposta, all’interno di un manoscritto illustrato, dell’usanza delle icone biografiche. Suggestioni fantastiche e meravigliose: Terminato lo studio di K è parso opportuno un ulteriore raffronto con l’intera tradizione medievale delle leggende agiografiche romediane, dal quale è emerso come le suggestioni fantastiche e meravigliose appaiano come elemento prioritario. Le 5 agiografie propongono un ritratto di Romedio tracciato sulla base di nuclei narrativi comuni: il rapporto con Vigilio, il nascere della vocazione, la santità della vita eremitica, l’eccezionalità della sua esistenza. Pur nella specificità di ciascuna Vita, le 5 leggende romediane trovano così nell’elemento narrativo l’elemento unificante. Il gusto del narrare si riconosce infatti nella costante e crescente proposta di suggestioni fantastiche e meravigliose. Le peculiarità individuate all’interno della versione K apparivano infatti in nuce già nella versione più antica della Vita di Romedio, contenuta nel Liber epilogorum in gesta sanctorum di Bartolomeo da Trento, dove l’autore trecentesco dichiarava esplicitamente come l’intento di delectatio accompagnasse il proposito dell’edificatio fidelium. Partendo così dall’identificazione, secondo la classificazione di Le Goff, di scenari fantastici e corrispondenti al sentire medievale, le suggestioni meravigliose all’interno delle agiografie romediane individuano un motivo estremamente interessante e produttivo.

This dissertation aims to offer an updated critical edition of Rorgo Fretellus’ spiritual and geographical guide to the Holy Land, the "Descriptio de locis sanctis", dated back to the first half of the 12th century. Thus far, two versions of this text are known. The first one is dedicated to the Bohemian bishop Henricus Sdyck and it was composed on the occasion of the second of his pilgrimages to Jerusalem, occurred in 1137. It is initialled ‘H’, after the name of the addressee. This first redaction was unknown to scholars until the editio princeps of P.C. Boeren (1980), who listed eight manuscripts, but did not reconstruct their genealogical relationships. Boeren published the "Descriptio", according to the codex optimus method, on the basis of manuscript Montpellier, Bibliothèque Interuniversitaire, Section de Médecine H 39, ff. 1r-15v, recording the main variants of the other copies in the apparatus. The second redaction, slightly later than H, was first published in 1653 by the theologian and scholar Leo Allacci within the Σύμμικτα, a collection of Byzantine and medieval Latin texts on the Holy Land. However, due to the status of the unknown witness employed by Allacci, probably found in the Vatican Library and now lost, Fretellus’ second version appeared here in mutilated form, lacking the prologue, and ascribed to an author called ‘Eugesippus’. The complete version with prologue was not printed until a century later, when it was published in the "Miscellanea" of Baluze-Mansi (1761) on the basis of manuscript Lucca, Biblioteca Capitolare Feliniana, 545. In his 1980 edition of H, Boeren chose not to produce an edition of the second redaction, limiting himself to listing ten witnesses for it and offering a comparison between some notable passages from the two versions. The second redaction is furthermore addressed to a different person, Rodricus Toletanus (hence the initial ‘R’ to refer to it). Starting from this status quaestionis, this thesis is intended to produce a new critical edition for each of the two redactions. The first chapter presents the historical and literary context surrounding Fretellus’ work, a text rooted in a rich tradition intended to accompany the faithful along their pilgrimages to the Holy Land, and it discusses the few surviving biographical data on the author, an elusive figure of whom only a few testimonies remain. An exposition on the contents, structure, models and main sources of the first version is then offered, followed by an analysis on the relationship between H and two anonymous descriptions derived from it, namely the "Descriptio locorum circa Hierusalem adiacentium" and the "Innominatus VI". The second redaction, R, consists in a reduced and simplified version of H, with many cuts and rare new additions: the main differences in content and the stylistic deviations from H are also examined in the first chapter, and so is the possibility of attributing this redaction to the author himself or to a collaborator of his. The text of R was moreover included in a collection of works concerning the history of the Church and its power over the centuries, commissioned by the cardinal of Aragon Nicolás Rosell and entitled "Collectanea ex diversis registris et libris Camerae Apostolicae" (1356): within this corpus, Fretellus’ "Descriptio" appears in its second version, with a dedication bearing the name Raymundus. The second chapter of the thesis firstly traces the history of critical studies on the "Descriptio" and its editorial path, thereafter it offers the description of the witnesses, whose number has greatly increased thanks to a new recognitio codicum, which made it possible to identify new manuscripts for the second, more widespread redaction. The eight codices identified by Boeren as witnesses of H are now reduced to six (dating from the second half of the 12th to the 15th century), since two of the manuscripts listed by him are actually representatives of the second redaction partly contaminated with the first. On the other hand, it was possible to acknowledge a number of thirty-nine codices for R, which are dated between the end of the 12th and the beginning of the 17th century. However, the approximately forty manuscripts hosting the "Collectanea" are not counted within these thirty-nine: they contain Fretellus’ text, but have been excluded from the recensio, as they are all later than 1356 and belong to a closed-circulation tradition. The few known witnesses of the "Descriptio locorum" and "Innominatus VI" are also listed and described. Subsequently, the recensio of H is presented, which made it possible to identify two branches of transmission descending from a common archetype; one of them, in particular, is represented by a codex from the second half of the 12th century, the ms. Douai, Bibliothèque Marceline Desbordes-Valmore, 882, ff. 35v-49bisv (D), which presents a series of corrective interventions by a second copyist, made on the basis of the text of the anonymous "Descriptio locorum", taken as a new model. The relationships between H, the "Descriptio locorum" and D are also discussed. On the contrary, the recensio of the second redaction, discussed in the next section, has allowed to identify an archetype and three branches (κ, ξ and ζ) depending from it. The stemmatical location of two other manuscripts and of some small groups of codices remains doubtful, due to their textual status. In the chapter dedicated to recensio it is also possible to find an analysis regarding the two families of the R version interpolated with materials from H, labeled λ and σ. Then, the notes to the text for both the editions of H and R display the editorial criteria and present the cases of selectio and emendatio; the choices made in terms of graphic layout, division into chapters (innovated in this edition with respect to the previous scansion adopted by Boeren) and writing of the critical apparatus are here examined. Then, the third chapter offers the critical editions of both redactions. The text is accompanied by a double band of apparatus: the one concerning the sources, which contains references to biblical passages and references to the works from which Fretellus borrowed material, and the apparatus of the variants, which is complete and generally negative, but becomes positive in correspondence of the loci for which it was necessary to accomplish the selectio. The fourth chapter gives the Italian translations of the two Latin texts, preceded by a brief explanation on the criteria adopted; the translation of H is accompanied by an apparatus of notes that elaborates on the manner in which the sources were taken and provides clarifications regarding the identification of the places and episodes cited for some selected passages of the text. Finally, the fifth chapter displays two tables: in the first one the text of H is compared with that of manuscript D and with the anonymous "Descriptio locorum"; in the second table the text of H is placed side by side with that of R in order to compare them, as well. A third appendix offers the transcription of an abridged version of the "Descriptio" (R) offered by manuscript Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek 609.

This paper has sought to establish the critical edition of the so called «Acta XII sociorum» (BHL 1620-1621, 1622b, 1622d e 6955),better known as «Passio XII fratrum qui e Syria venerunt», through the philological, palaeographical, historical and hagiological analysis of the available manuscript tradition. This research was intended, therefore, to retrace and re-discuss all historiographical literature on the subject so far published, with the aim to deliver a brief but detailed status quaestionis. He then proceeded to the collation of the text of all witnesses in the manuscript tradition, to the recensio and to the scrutiny of the variants, and to the identification of errors. This has allowed for the creation of a stemma modicum, thus leading to the identification of two families (α e β). With special appendix is provided ​​the critical edition of the texts corresponding to BHL 1621 and 1622f, hitherto unpublished.

Prima edizione critica di una Vita latina di San Nicola di Myra, celebre taumaturgo di origine turca. Si tratta inoltre dell'unica opera inedita del monaco benedettino Otlone di Sant'Emmerano, originario di Ratisbona, vissuto nel secolo XI.

The so-called “Fabulae” written by Odo of Cheriton (1180/90-1246/47) owe their traditional title to Hervieux’s edition published in 1896, still used as a reference. This work aims at providing the reader with a new edition based on an accurate philological inquiry into the text and its manuscripts. If the literary features of Odo’s fables have, indeed, been studied, especially in regard to their innovative elements, such as their christianized morals and the relationship of the tales to preaching, the collection has not been studied from a philological point of view. Before this research there was no clarity in regard to the total number of tales, which varied in previous editions between 60 and 117, nor to the determination and inner divisions of the corpus; moreover, all previous editions are based on only one manuscript or little more. As a matter of fact, Hervieux basically published a codex optimus that he only occasionally emended – but did not declare where he operated basing the correction on other manuscripts and where he did so ope ingenii – which is Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 441; other editions are the ones done by Voigt (1878), Oesterley (1868 and 1871) and Perry (1952). Voigt is the only one to study the relationship between codices, although only between a small portion of them (11); Oesterley uses only one manuscript in both his editions (although the two are different between one another) and Perry only publishes a selection of the tales present in Hervieux, adding an apparatus which informs the reader on variantes available in the already existing studies, but not conducting a new research himself. Other issues of Odo’s status queastionis are the absence of a comprehensive study of his works, all unpublished apart from 65 of his “Sermones dominicales” (Paris, 1520) and the tales themselves, the lack of a census and, concerning the fables, of a systematic analysis of the whole collection. This situation prevents from making extensive comparisons and evaluations of the author’s usus scribendi, which is why the first purpose of this dissertation was a general introduction that could account for the main literary features shared by the whole collection. Starting from a short contextualization of Odo’s biography and his other works, we looked into the prologue of the tales, that heavily references the Sacred Scriptures and relies on the allegorical method proper to exegesis, which is strongly stressed, even more so than the usage of Aesopical tales in the collection, although as important. Secondly, the title itself has been questioned: even if the collection is usually called “Fabulae”, the manuscripts never offer this lectio, which is instead Hervieux’s arbitrary choice. In the prologue, Odo talks of his work not as fabulae, but instead as a tractatus parabolicus: if one is to give the collection a proper title, then, the latter one must be used, although there is no evidence of a specific rubric redacted by Odo to be used as a title. One of the new discoveries made in this research is then the refusal of the title currently used and the clarification of another ambiguity derived by Hervieux’s edition. As a matter of fact, the French scholar not only arbitrary called the tales “Fabulae”, but also decide to publish some excerpta from Odo’s sermons under the title “Parabulae”. He did so by isolating these extracts from ms. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 16506, thus creating a significant confusion in subsequent research trying to address the two texts: even nowadays it is quite hard to understand if a catalog is, for example, talking about the tale collection or the sermons. During this research, it was discovered that some extracts on fables topics from the sermons actually circulated throughout the Middle Ages, as nine manuscripts who hold them included them into bigger exempla collections; nonetheless, these exceerpta never constituted an independent work, and the only tale collection produced by Odo is the one that should more properly be called tractatus parabolicus. Moreover, the introduction includes a short analysis of the main literary features of the text, with a particular attention given to the mixing up of the fable and exemplum genres in Odo’s work, as he used for every one of his stories the allegorical method proper to biblical exegesis. The aim of such an introduction is to be a first step into a deeper and more complex analysis of Odo’s works as a whole, an accomplishment that, however, will inevitably need wider studies dedicated also to the other books he wrote in order to be completed. In regard to the tale collection, particularly developed is its social and religious critique, which Odo wanted to express in his allegory-rich and heavily christianized morals. This critique is addressed especially against ecclesiastical hierarchies – not the Church itself, but its people – but not only those; it is against all who abuse their subjects when in a position to exercise power over others. Odo thus condemns not only bishops, ministers and prelates who only worry about earthly matters and fall short of their responsibilities, indulging in vices instead, but also rich masters and rulers who vex their subjects. However, Odo’s attack does not spare the humbles too, who are criticized when they try to improve their social standing and thus forget their place, or who are more generally guilty, as anyone, of the seven deadly sins, of lack in faith or of conducting themselves not virtuously enough. It can be easily noticed, then, that Odo had a strong drive towards contributing to reforming his contemporary society, whose morals felt in need of a deep renovation. Lastly, the introduction addresses shortly the success of Odo’s collection, which was translated into vernacular three times (into Gaelic, Chwedlau Odo, into Old-French, Les Parables Maystre Oe de Cyrintime, into old Spanish, Libro de los gatos); apart from these works, it must also be mentioned that Odo probably influenced Nicole Bozon, John of Sheppey and maybe, Clemente Sánchez, Stephan of Bourbon and the Speculum laicorum as well. After the analysis of the main literary features of the collection, the research proceeded with the production of a new, updated census of the manuscripts transmitting the Tractatus parabolicus. Seventy-one codices have been found, in comparison to Hervieux’s twenty-five and to other ten that had already been identified by previous bibliography (see Dicke-Grubmüller 1987 and Welter 1927). Thanks to this recensio we were also able to investigate the definition itself of Odo’s corpus, a topic made quite complex by the constitutive mobility of the fable genre in the Middle Ages. As a matter of fact, it is quite common for the author and text identity to be easily and almost immediately lost in this genre, also due to the easy addition or elimination of some of the apologues due to different motivations, that vary also from manuscript to manuscript. Since tales were often included into bigger collections that took on from various sources, it is extremely difficult to determine the original corpus. Moreover, in Odo’s case the matter is even more complicated due to a sometimes ambiguous internal division of tales, once again partially depending on Hervieux’s choices, partially on the tradition itself. As a matter of fact, Hervieux chose to number the tales not progressively, but by sometimes adding letters onto numbers, especially when he thought that two consequent tales revolved around the same topic. One then finds, for example, tales 56, 56a, 56b, 56c, which Hervieux separated in his edition but which should instead considered as only one fable; conversely, tales 1, 1a, 1b, 1c, 1d e 1e are on one hand independent ones (1, 1a, 1c, 1e), on the other the result of corruptions of the tradition (1b, 1d). At the same time, manuscripts sometimes don’t distinguish clearly between Odo’s tales, fusing some together or dividing others in peculiar ways, so a degree of uncertainty is to be found not only in the history of studies, but also in the tradition itself. Another accomplishment of this dissertation is thus precisely giving a new, clearer definition of the corpus, not only in regard to its internal divisions, based upon the manuscript tradition, but also to their number and the identification of spurious fables, such as 76, 1b and 1d. Starting from the new recensio, the dissertation then proceed onto the philological and textual analysis of the collection, with the hope of tracing a stemma codicum. We thus selected thirty-six manuscripts according to their antiquity, place of origin (with a predilection for England) and portion of the text transmitted, into which some loci critici that cover around one-third of the work were identified. Unfortunately, though, manuscripts present a lot of different variantes, but not of stemmatical importance: they are often lectiones adiaphorae and/or small differences in the order of words, alteration of conjunctions, verbal tenses and so on. It was then not possible to trace a proper stemma, but we still tried to account for the different features of the tradition. Five different orders in the transmission of the collection were found, which seem to present themselves also when studying the text of the loci critici. Apart from one (δ, linked to order D and to one manuscript of the order A), it is improper to talk about families, but it is only possible to group the non fragmentary codices – we intend with the expression “fragmentary codices” all those manuscripts that only transmit a maximum of ten tales, generally dispersed within the codex itself, which usually collects materials from different sources – based upon quite uniform geographical areas. That is to say that there seem to be a link between almost all German manuscripts and one Italian one (Wo, order B), between the bohemian and eastern-European codices (order C), between some English manuscripts and two French ones (order E), whereas the majority of the English codices (plus two German, one Austrian, one bohemian and two French) share order A. The five orders that can be identified in most of the tradition seem to have also a textual foundation, although only δ features proper errors. Once the philological inquiry, conducted on a wide portion of the textual witnesses, was completed, the impossibility of a stemma made necessary to conduct the edition based on different criteria. We have thus relied first of all on the most ancient manuscripts, dating back to the 13th century; in order to balance the fact that all of them, apart from C1, do not transmit tales 61-75, we have chosen to add to this number two German codices (B5 Ba), considering that the German group is the only one to hold this portion of the text as well, and another English manuscript, Du, in order to better represent the tradition. The critical edition thus follows a conservative approach, that mostly relies to C1, quite close to the author, but corrects its mistakes by integrating its testimony first of all with B2 C2 L4 O2 V, the most ancient manuscripts, and then B5 Ba Du, as already stated. For the portion of the text collated for the loci all the thirty-six manuscripts used in the collection itself were also included. The critical apparatus thus concerns nine codices for the whole text, thirty-six for the loci. Lastly, the edition also provides the first Italian translation of Odo’s fables and a small paragraph that, tale by tale, reminds the reader of the witnesses of the text and of other retellings available in a selection of other medieval Latin fabulists, apart from references to the principal repertoires of the genre. To sum up, this dissertation had as its purpose not only trying to account for the main literary features of the Odo’s fables collection, even if, of course, in a limited way, but also studying this work from a philological and textual point of view. We thus tried to offer a wide as possible exam of the tradition, although very complex, proposing then a new critical edition of the text that tries to overcome Hervieux’s, so as to give the reader the tools needed to approach a text as solid ad possible. We wish that, in the future, similar endeavors will be conducted for all of Odo’s works.

L’apprendimento della leadership invoca un’attenzione pedagogica perché implica un insieme complesso di attività di formazione, sviluppo ed educazione del leader che necessitano di essere adeguatamente problematizzate, validate e integrate mediante le categorie pedagogiche dell’intenzionalità, della progettualità, della riflessività, della relazionalità e dell'esperienza personale. La curvatura umanistica delle recenti teorie della leadership e le analogie esistenti tra l’agire del leader e l’agire educativo pongono l’interrogativo su una possibile pedagogia della leadership e ispirano l’impiego delle arti nella formazione del leader. Formare la leadership si riduce spesso all’apprendimento strumentale di competenze comportamentali ritenute funzionali al ruolo, indipendentemente dal contesto organizzativo e dalle dimensioni personali del leader. Seppure comportamenti, capacità e tratti personali di leader efficaci possano essere facilmente identificati, gli individui non possono assimilarli senza cambiare disposizioni soggettive e visioni del mondo. La formazione arts-based facilita il leader nei processi di conoscenza e sviluppo delle dimensioni identitarie (fini, valori, credenze, emozioni, concetti di sé, intelligenze e sensibilità) che sottendono ai suoi comportamenti, integrandone efficacemente gli aspetti cognitivi, affettivi e motivazionali. Sebbene le arti possano contribuire in vario modo all’apprendimento della leadership, le questioni di pertinenza, validità ed affidabilità degli interventi arts-based richiedono un urgente processo di inquadramento epistemologico e metodologico. / Leadership learning requires a pedagogical care because it implies a set of complex instructional, developmental and educative activities, which need to be opportunely problematized, validated, integrated by pedagogical categories of personal intentionality, projectuality, reflexivity, relationality, and subjective experience. The humanistic curvature of recent leadership theories and existing analogies between leader’s action and educative action put a question mark over a possible pedagogy of leadership, inspiring the deployment of the arts in leader development process. Developing leadership often is reduced to the instrumental learning of behavioral competencies assumed to be functional to role interpretation and field-independent, prescinding from organizational context and leader’s personal characteristics. Though behaviours, skills and personal traits of effective leaders can be easily identified, they cannot be learned without changing individual dispositions and world vision. Arts-based learning facilitates leaders in the process of self-knowing and development of identity (ends, values, assumptions, emotions, self-concepts, intelligences, sensitivities) underlying their behaviours and helping them integrate cognitive, affective and motivational aspects. Even though arts can contribute differently to leadership learning, questions of pertinence, validity, and reliability affect arts-based interventions and demand an urgent process of epistemological and methodological frameworking.

La visione di un universo permeato dalla gloria di Dio che Francesco d’Assisi sviluppa nel Cantico di frate sole e nelle sue opere latine, e che risulta anche dalle testimonianze dei primi biografi, è stata interpretata da vari studiosi (Duby, Manselli, Pasero) come un implicito rovesciamento della concezione catara secondo cui il mondo non è stato creato dal Dio celeste, ma da un demiurgo malvagio. A prima vista, la concezione del corpo e della creazione materiale che emerge dall’opera poetica del francescano Iacopone da Todi si trova agli antipodi di quella del santo. Giovanni Pozzi ha osservato come nelle Laude sia assente “qualsiasi valutazione del creato come entità recante l’impronta divina”; ma, lungi dal comportare un dualismo ontologico di tipo “gnostico”, come quello dei catari, questo atteggiamento va ricollegato secondo lo studioso svizzero alla tradizione dell’ascetismo cristiano, e in particolare al linguaggio del “disprezzo” del corpo e del mondo che verso la fine del secolo XIII aveva trovato una delle sue espressioni più violente ed efficaci nel De contemptu mundi di Lotario di Segni, il futuro papa Innocenzo III. Queste lucide considerazioni non mancano tuttavia di porre una serie di problemi storici ed ermeneutici che appaiono decisivi per una corretta comprensione delle opere letterarie dei due primi grandi scrittori religiosi della nostra letteratura: qual è il rapporto fra la concezione francescana del corpo (e più in generale del mondo materiale) e la riflessione cristiana dei secoli precedenti su questi temi? In particolare, come si può situarla rispetto ai grandi filoni teologici del XII e del XIII secolo: mistica cisterciense e vittorina, pensiero ascetico, eresia catara? E quali sono i rapporti fra la concezione di Francesco e quella che si delinea con straordinario vigore lirico nelle Laude di Iacopone? Quali sono i modelli del poeta di Todi? Fra i due grandi scrittori mistici e ascetici del Duecento italiano vi è realmente, a proposito della visione del corpo e della corporeità, radicale opposizione? Oppure possono essere individuati anche punti di contatto, elementi di continuità o di mediazione? E come si spiegano degli atteggiamenti così diversi nel fondatore e in uno dei primi grandi seguaci del movimento francescano? A questi, ed ad altri più puntuali interrogativi si è cercato di rispondere nel presente lavoro. Per giungere a risposte motivate e convincenti, si è ritenuto necessario partire da un approfondito esame delle concezioni del corpo e della materia nella tradizione del pensiero cristiano fino al Duecento. In particolare, sono apparse di fondamentale importanza le correnti teologiche del secolo precedente, il XII, correnti il cui influsso nella concezione del mondo di Francesco e di Iacopone appare determinante. Nella prima parte della tesi, abbiamo così dedicato un capitolo alla tematica del contemptus mundi quale è sviluppata nel grande trattato di Lotario di Segni. In un secondo capitolo è studiata la complessa – e talvolta almeno apparentemente contraddittoria – concezione del corpo e delle realtà materiali nelle due maggiori correnti della teologia mistica nel XII secolo, quella cisterciense e quella vittorina, alle quali si rifarà direttamente anche il francescano Bonaventura da Bagnoregio. Inoltre, si è ritenuto necessario studiare in maniera approfondita le dottrine eterodosse dei catari, che ebbero certamente un grande peso – come si è accennato – nella riflessione cristiana di questo periodo sul corpo e sulla materia. A partire da queste premesse dottrinali – che sono state spesso trascurate o sottovalutate dai filologi, ma alle quali la critica più recente incomincia a dedicare la dovuta attenzione – nella seconda parte della tesi abbiamo sottoposto a una accurata analisi la concezione e la rappresentazione del corpo, e della “corporeità” in generale, nelle opere italiane e latine di Francesco d’Assisi e di Iacopone da Todi. Ne sono derivate conclusioni molto più articolate e sfumate di quanto possa far pensare una lettura superficiale dei loro testi: gli stretti rapporti che si possono osservare in entrambi gli autori con la precedente tradizione ascetica e mistica valgono a mettere in luce tutta una serie di rapporti profondi fra di loro, specialmente intorno al nodo cruciale del corpo di Cristo. E questo vale, a nostro parere, a far risaltare ancor meglio gli aspetti originali dei testi maggiori di Francesco e di Iacopone, a farci gustare appieno la loro “poesia del corpo”.

A fronte dell’ampia e varia tipologia di studi dedicati all’episodio del “beato” Simone da Trento (1475), emergeva la mancanza di informazioni riguardanti uno dei maggiori protagonisti della vicenda: il bresciano Giovanni Mattia Tiberino, autore della Passio beati Simonis tridentini, ovvero il testo che determinò la fortuna letteraria degli avvenimenti trentini. A lungo limitato al ruolo che svolse nella difesa della causa di Simonino, l’interesse nei confronti di questo personaggio non ha mai varcato il confine dell’erudizione locale, impedendo una ricostruzione esauriente della sua figura di uomo e d’intellettuale: questa tesi desidera definire meglio i lineamenti biografici e culturali del Tiberino, per mostrare le varie sfaccettature di questo complesso profilo di letterato e umanista, pur riconoscendo l’importanza che ebbe l’esperienza trentina per la sua formazione e affermazione come intellettuale. La tesi presenta tre capitoli: il primo si concentra sulla vita e le opere del Tiberino, delineando una biografia completa e documentata; il secondo comprende il censimento e la catalogazione di tutti i testimoni, manoscritti ed edizioni a stampa, delle opere dedicate a Simone da Trento, mostrando l’entità della loro diffusione e le modalità di circolazione; il terzo è dedicato all’edizione della Passio, corredato di un apparato delle fonti ed un commento. / Considering the wide and various kinds of studies dedicated to the case of the “blessed” Simone from Trento (1475), it stood out the lack of information about one of the most important actors of this story: Giovanni Mattia Tiberino from Brescia, author of the “Passio beati Simonis tridentini”, that is the text which established the literary success of these events. For a long time the only interest for this character was related to his role in defence of Simonino’s case, and this interest never crossed the borders of local erudition; in this way it was not possible to have a full image of his figure as a man and as a scholar. This thesis aims to define better his biographical and cultural outlines, in order to show all the different faces of his complex profile as a man of letters and scholar. This thesis is composed by three chapters: the first one is about Tiberino’s life and works, and it outlines a complete and documented biography. The second one comprehends census and cataloguing of all attestations, manuscripts and printed editions of works related to Simone from Trento; it also shows the extent of their spreading and the manners of their circulation. The third is dedicate to the Passio’s edition, with enclosed an critical apparatus and a commentary.

Il Vade mecum in tribulatione, scritto nel 1356 dal frate minore Giovanni di Rupescissa, è un breve testo di carattere profetico-apocalittico, scritto con l'intento di guidare i Cristiani attraverso un'imminente tribolazione, attesa entro il 1370. La tradizione manoscritta latina comprende quaranta codici, divisi in tre gruppi: la versione integrale del Vade mecum; una versione epitomata; altri casi di riassunti del testo. La ratio editionis mostra le caratteristiche di ciascuna di queste famiglie e la struttura complessiva dello stemma codicum ipotizzato. La versione integrale e l'epitome sono edite criticamente, mentre gli altri casi di riassunti sono trascritti parzialmente o integralmente, secondo la loro originalità rispetto alla forma integrale. Lo studio introduttivo, che precede l'edizione, affronta i seguenti argomenti: l'uso delle fonti profetiche e il confronto con la tradizione francescano-spirituale e con le “profezie papali” medievali; la teorizzazione e la struttura dell'ermeneutica storica di Rupescissa; l'evoluzione del genere della “profezia politica”. / The Vade mecum in tribulatione, written in 1356 by the minor friar John of Rupescissa, is a short text, oriented in a prophetical-apocalyptical direction with the aim to lead the Christians across an imminent persecution, expected before the year 1370. The Latin tradition comprehends forty manuscripts, divided in three groups: the integral version of the Vade mecum; the epitome version; other kinds of summary and abstract of the text. The ratio editionis explains the characteristics of each family and the structure of the stemma codicum. The integral version and the epitome are separately edited, while the other summaries are partially or integrally transcribed, according to their originality. The introductory study, that precedes the edition, faces these arguments: the use of the prophetic sources and the comparison with the spiritual Franciscan tradition and the “papal prophecies”; the structure and the finalization of an historical hermeneutic; the evolution of the genre of “political prophecy”.