The goal of this research is to discover Shostakovich's inspiration and motivation for writing the Twenty-Four Preludes and Fugues. Through the in-depth research of the cycle, this thesis will discuss the different aspects of the unique harmonic ambiguity of both the preludes and the fugue subjects so that readers understand Shostakovich's language of musical communication. Shostakovich lived during a transitional period in the history of Russia when totalitarianism was being challenged. The research will also explore how the political environment influenced his composition during those years. / by Jihong Park. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2012. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2012. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

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Between 1880 and 1900, the Oregon Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) significantly impacted the lives of Oregon women. Not simply an organization of middle class white women, the Oregon WCTU enlisted Native American and African American women, and persistently advocated for improved conditions for working women. The WCTU aspired to be more than a simple temperance union, taking on a broad social agenda which had as its goal the social emancipation of women. It successfully secured positive changes for women in the areas of sexuality, labor, personal safety, education, and prison life in addition to successfully advocating several temperance issues on the state and national level. The union also served to solidify the bond between women, mobilizing them into a social class. Despite their commitment to improving the lives of women, not all WCTU members were supportive of the suffrage movement. Open conflict between the WCTU and the state suffrage association, led by Abigail Scott Duniway, highlights the complexity of women's politics in Oregon at the end of the nineteenth century. Divisions between women on the issues of suffrage and temperance reveal early disagreements as to the best route to increased freedom for women. Such division led to a delay in achieving equal suffrage in the state of Oregon. Despite their disenfranchisement, women's work in the public arena shaped the development of communities and the state of Oregon. Through petition circulation, public speaking, industrial schools, labor union organization, and political lobbying, Oregon women influenced the decisions made by voting men. The activities of Oregon women at the end of the nineteenth century suggest that women wielded political power long before they gained the right to vote. / Graduation date: 1999

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The thesis is presented in five books each with a number of subdivisions or chapters. The first is composed of two chapters: chapter one deals with pan-evangelical developments from the early Evangelical revival to 1789. It examines the centripetal and centrifugal forces that served to unite but also to separate like-minded evangelicals. It briefly describee several early institutional attempts at church union, the proto-types of the great pan-evangelical organizations studied in the body of the thesis, Chapter two examines the more immediate forces between 1789 and 1795 that gave rise to the first major experiment in pan-evangelical cooperation - the London Missionary Society. It focuses on the ambivalent effects of the French Revolution on church union, initially separating evangelical Dissenters from churchmen, but later bringing them back together again. It also looks briefly at the role millennial prophecy played in drawing evangelicals closer together before the anticipated Second Coming. Book two examines the London Missionary Society in three chapters. Chapter three traces the largely abortive attempt to found an institution that was intended to unite all evangelical denominations, examining why this attempt ultimately failed. Chapter four studies inter-societal relations between the L.M.S. and other foreign missionary societies following this failure, and the continuing, though largely unsuccessful attempts to recreate a pan-evangelical union or federation in the mission world. Chapter five describes the state of internal relations within the Society itself, concluding with a brief anaysis of its fall into Congregational hands by 1818. Book three is a study of the British and Foreign Bible Society and is divided into four chapters. Chapter six examines the forces in Britain and on the Continent which led to the formation of an evangelical Bible society, showing that because of the simplicity of its objectives - the circulation of Bibles without note or comment - it could attract a much larger denominational patronage than either the L.M.S. or the Tract Society. Chapter seven demonstrates, however, that even in this simple design, the Society evoked criticism from High Church opponents who saw in it an immediate threat to the establishment. The controversy that issued from this opposition is examined in detail, together with the adverse effects that controversy had on the Society's internal cohesion, Chapter eight shows that many of the High Church accusations were based on fact, and that because of its growing size, the institution coald not always control some of its more irregular provincial auxiliaries. The sometimes arbitrary and largely ineffective way that the parent society tried to reassert its control over provincial affairs created dissident groups in Scotland and England leading to two major conflagrations - the Apocrypha and Tests Controversies - which are examined in chapter nine. Books four and five examine the Religious Tract Society and the London Society for Promoting Christianity Amongst the Jews, each in two chapters. Chapters nine and twelve trace the early developments of each society (the London Society being at first a branch of the L.M.S.) from the late eighteenth century through to their emergence as major pan-evangelical institutions in the first decade of the nineteenth century. We discover that until the Bible Society had been in existence four years, the Tract Society and the evangelical mission to the Jews were much like the L.M.S. in denominational composition: only after 1808 did they also comprehend all the major evangelical bodies. Chapters ten and thirteen examine the internal controversies that plagued both societies showing why the R.T.S. was able to overcome internal dissension while the London Society fell into Anglican hands after only six years. Each book describes society activities during the period examined in this thesis, and attempts to show the impact of interdenominational cooperation on the church at large. Close attention has been paid to theological, social, and political developments contemporary with the pan-evangelical impulse and the impact these in turn had on the societies studied. By a comparative analysis of the four societies, their successess and failures, the thesis hopes to make a contribution to the ecumenical dialogue today.

This study concerns the sources of the revolutionary Bolshevik elite's social and ethnic origins in Late Imperial Russia. The key finding is that the Bolshevik leadership of the revolutionary years 1917--1924 was highly ethnically diverse in origin with non-Russians---Jews, Latvians, Georgians, Armenians, Poles, Lithuanians, and Ukrainians---constituting nearly two-thirds of the elite. The 'Russian' Revolution was led primarily by elites of the empire's non-Russian national minorities. This thesis therefore considers the sources of their radicalism in the peripheries of the multinational empire. / Although the 'class' language of socialism has dominated accounts not only of the causes of the Revolution but also of the sources of Bolshevik socialism, in my view the Bolsheviks were more a response to a variety of cultural, linguistic, religious, and ethnic social identities than they were a response to class conflict. The appeal of a theory about class conflict does not necessarily mean that it was class conflict to which the Bolsheviks were responding; they were much more a product of the tensions of a multi-ethnic imperial state than of the alienating 'class' effects of an industrializing Russian state. / How 'peripherals' of the imperial borderlands came to espouse an ideology of the imperial 'center' is the empirical focus. Five substantive chapters on Jews, Poles and Lithuanians, Ukrainians, Transcaucasians, and Latvians, consider the sources of their radicalism by contextualizing their biographies in regional ethnopolitics and in relationships to the Tsarist state. A great attraction of Russian (Bolshevik) socialism was in what it meant for ethnopolitics in the multi-ethnic borderlands: much of the appeal lay in its secularism, its 'ecumenical' political vision, its universalism, its anti-nationalism, and in its implied commitment to "the good imperial ideal". The 'elective affinities' between individuals of different ethnic strata and Russian socialism varied across ethnic groups, and often within them. One of the key themes, therefore, is how a social and political identity is worked out within the context of a multinational empire, invoking social processes such as nationalism, assimilation, Russification, social mobility, access to provincial and imperial 'civil societies', linguistic and cultural choices, and ethnopolitical relationships.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 430-456). / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / 456 leaves, bound ill. 29 cm

Orientador: Caio Navarro de Toledo / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T16:37:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cabrera_JoseRoberto_D.pdf: 1544985 bytes, checksum: be6a043e0d224d0065cbceec4d9f556d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Esta tese apresenta o modo como o Partido Comunista do Brasil reagiu à chamada crise do socialismo e aos eventos que puseram fim à União Soviética. O PC do Brasil firmou-se historicamente como organização marxista-leninista vinculado à tradição da Internacional Comunista. Sua identidade política e ideológica consolidou-se em oposição ao chamado revisionismo contemporâneo, identificado com os rumos empreendidos na URSS após o XX Congresso do PCUS. Este processo aproximou-o das críticas do Partido Comunista Chinês e do Partido do Trabalho da Albânia. Na década de 1980 a crise soviética foi avaliada como o resultado da crescente integração da URSS no mundo capitalista e das políticas 'social-imperialistas¿ por ela aplicadas, caracterizando o regime soviético como um tipo de capitalismo de Estado. Em 1991, na medida em que a crise se expandiu sobre a Albânia, exemplo de coerência e de fidelidade ao marxismo-leninismo na opinião do PC do B, as formulações teóricas em torno do revisionismo passaram a ser reavaliadas. No seu VIII Congresso em 1992, o PC do B inovou ao criticar a experiência bolchevique. Reafirmou sua adesão ao marxismo-leninismo e ao socialismo, traçando caminho distinto de várias outras organizações comunistas pelo mundo. Durante este processo, o PC do Brasil oscilou entre uma abordagem que apontava a luta de classes como responsável fundamental das transformações operadas no interior do regime soviético, enquanto de outro lado, manifestava uma tendência economicista, situando os problemas do socialismo em torno do imperativo do desenvolvimento das forças produtivas. Em certa medida, desviou-se do debate desses temas fundamentais ou, quando o fez, tratou-os de maneira marginal, mantendo um conjunto perguntas sem respostas e submetendo constantemente as formulações teóricas às exigências da conjuntura política, potencializadas por uma institucionalização crescente no sistema político / Abstract: This thesis intend discuss the used ways by the Communist Party of Brazil (PC of B) in order to respond to the socialism¿s crisis and to the events that finished with the Soviet Union. The PC of B historically affirmed itself as a Marxist-Leninist organization tied to the International Communist tradition. Its politics and ideological identity was consolidated as opposition to the called ¿contemporary revisionism¿, at the same time the cited studied party identified itself with the USSR¿s route with was adopted after the XX Congress of the Soviet Communist Party. This process brought its position to Chinese Communist Party and the Labour Party of Albania¿s critics. In the eighties, the Soviet crisis was evaluated as a consequence of the progressive integration of the USSR in the capitalist world, and as its social-imperialists practices resulted in to characterize the Soviet regime as a model of capitalism¿s state. In 1991, the Soviet crisis has expanded to the Albania (example of coherency and loyalty to Marxism-Leninism by PC of B evaluation); as result of it, the theoretical formulations around the revisionism starting to be reevaluated. In its VIII Congress (1992), the PC do B innovated when criticized the Bolshevik¿s experience. It reaffirmed its loyalty to Marxism-Leninism and socialism, adopting particular way in opposition to several other communist organizations around the world. During its process, the PC of B ranged between approaches that have pointed the struggle of classes as a fundamental responsible by changes that occurred in the Soviet regime, while on the other hand, approaches that used an economics¿ tendency evaluation, putting the socialism problems as the consequence of development of the productive forces and its imperatives. Amazing piece of fortune, or not, the PC of B got out from discussion about these essential issues, or, when did it, approached them superficially, using a marginal way, keeping stronger questions without answers and keeping the theoretical formulations constantly under the local political demands, enhanced by a growing institutionalization in the political system / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política