Thesis (M.B.A.)--Boston University

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This thesis examines the U.S. government’s perceptions of its primary and peer-level nuclear competitor, Russia, in the post-cold war era. Drawing on prior research on Russian signaling, and on (nuclear) deterrence in action – the thesis employs deterrence theory and ontological security to examine how U.S. administrations’ views have evolved from Clinton to Biden. The thesis concludes that publicly communicated views on Russian nuclear capabilities change from initial optimism to, after Russia’s attack on Ukraine 2014, suspicion and even to some extent hostility. Ontological security, combined with deterrence theory, explains how complex narratives are found to be central to understanding how the U.S. government views Russian nuclear postures and capabilities – and while traditional deterrence theory provides a useful foundation for interpreting these evolving views – ontological security allows a more comprehensive understanding of underlying rationality and perceptions.

This thesis analyses the emergence of Cuba as a sovereign nation, and the political corruption that plagued the republic. It investigates in detail, not only the independence movement that established this republic in its various wars against the Spanish empire, and its fracture and fission under the emerging power of the United States, but also the impact that this had on Cuban politics, and the consequences for Cuba’s native would-be rulers. The aim is to develop an understanding of what became of the veterans of the wars of liberation, and further the somewhat neglected subject of the relationship of the official Veterans’ organisations with the political parties and associations of the republican period. A short conclusion summarises the arguments and suggests further avenues of research.

The United States Information Agency (USIA) was the official propaganda agency of the American government. During the period of the Johnson administration, its programme in Italy was the second largest in Western Europe, right after West Germany and immediately before France. This dissertation examines the USIA programme, and places it within the larger context of American policy towards Italy at this crucial juncture in the history of both countries. Beginning in the 1950s, following the traumatic experience of World War II and the unthinkable implications of nuclear warfare, the bipolar conflict was progressively channelled into non-military means of combat. In addition to the better known methods of traditional diplomacy, the threat of force, and economic aid, the United States deployed new instruments to win the ‘battle for hearts and minds’ against the Soviet Union. These new instruments included public diplomacy, cultural and educational exchanges, and ‘overt’ and ‘covert’ propaganda operations. This exercise of soft power became one of the main instruments used to stop the expansion of communism and to unite NATO countries behind American leadership. Yet this task was particularly demanding during the Johnson years, when the image of the Unites States abroad was tarnished as never before by the civil rights struggle and the escalation of the Vietnam War. Italy is a particularly interesting and important case study of American psychological warfare in Western Europe. Not only did the country host the largest Communist Party in the West, the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI), for the entire duration of the cold war, –– but Italy also had more than twenty governments in the first two decades of the post-war era. At a deeper level, the country oscillated between two different political formulas, centrismo and a centre-left coalition. As a result it proved impossible to carry out the structural reforms needed to ensure the country’s stability. The government’s inability to ‘keep Italy on track’ and to effectively oppose the communist threat led to the deployment of an extensive USIA programme in Italy. Surprisingly, this topic has not been studied intensively. Although there is a rich literature on American influence in the Italian election of 1948, and there has been some discussion of American psychological warfare in Italy during the fifties, no scholar has carried out an in-depth study on the role of US public diplomacy in Italy during the sixties, particularly the Johnson era. The dissertation is based on detailed research in the Johnson and Nixon libraries as well as at the National Archives in College Park, Maryland where the official documents of the USIA (RG 306) are located. On the Italian side, I have analyzed the major Italian newspapers, radio and TV shows targeted by the agency.

Studies have addressed the visitation needs of visitors and patients and the impact of visitation policies on nurses, but few studies compare the level of satisfaction between visitors and nurses when visitation policies change. The objectives of this study were to investigate whether a more liberal intensive care unit visitation policy satisfactorily met the needs and expectations of visitors and nurses. © 1999 Lippincott Williams and Wilkins, Inc.

This qualitative master essay has taken place as a field study in the Sri Lankan post-war environment. The official peace started in 2009 and the country has had almost 30 years of war between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Sri Lankan government. The island is very segregated into clearly different ethnic and religious groups, which belonging has a big importance for the individuals. Very little contact takes place between the different groups and the prejudices between them have been built up for a long time and are hard to change. The focus in this research is the youth movement Sri Lanka Unites (SLU). Their vision is to bring youth together that are from different backgrounds and different geographical location in Sri Lanka. SLU does invite school prefects, evenly distributed from all over the island, to their annual Future Leaders Conference (FLC). There will possibilities be given to create friends from all over the country no matter background and through games and teamwork activities break down stereotypes about each other. When the FLC is over the prefects will go back to their school and starts create riffles on the water to their context regarding their new experience. In this study I have chosen to change the name prefects to change agents. The aim with this study is to gain understanding of the change agents’ experiences and attitudes regarding the reconciliation initiatives provided by Sri Lanka Unites including what the initiative mean for the change agents’ and their country’s future road to peace. The methodological approach has been ethnography and semi structured interview has been used as the method of data collection. Theories that have been applied are about culture, change process and attitude change. Earlier research has been focused on change agents, peace initiatives and attitude change. The major findings in this essay are that Sri Lanka Unites has a very big influence and do change a lot of the change agents’ attitudes. The change agents experience that they are a part of the solution on Sri Lanka´s road towards a peaceful country. Hence only time will tell how big the effects of the change agents and Sri Lanka Unites will have on the nations road to reconciliation. / Denna kvalitativa magisteruppsats har tagit plats i en efterkrigstid på Sri Lanka i form av en fältstudie. Den officiella freden deklarerades år 2009 och landet hade då haft nästan ett 30 år långt krig mellan de Tamilska Tigrarna (LTTE) och den Sri Lankesiska staten. Nationen är mycket segregerad i etniska och religiösa grupper vars tillhörighet har en stor betydelse för individen. Väldigt lite kontakt sker mellan de olika grupperna och fördomarna dem emellan har byggts upp under lång tid och är svåra att överbygga. Fokus i denna studie ligger på en ungdomsrörelse vid namn Sri Lanka Unites (SLU). Rörelsen har som vision att förena ungdomar från alla bakgrunder och geografiska platser på Sri Lanka. SLU bjuder in skolprefekter jämnt fördelat från hela Sri Lanka, till deras årliga event Future Leader Conference (FLC). Där ges möjlighet att skapa vänner från hela landet oavsett bakgrund och genom tävlingar och teamarbete bryta ned stereotyper om varandra. När FLC är slut åker skolprefekterna sedan tillbaka till deras skola för att ge ringar på vattnet till deras omgivning om deras nya erfarenheter. Dessa skolprefekter har jag i denna studie döpt om till förändringsagenter. Syftet med denna studie är att få förståelse för förändringsagenternas upplevelser och attityder rörande försoningsinitiativen som Sri Lanka Unites har initierat samt vad dessa initiativ betyder för förändringsagenterna och deras nation på deras framtida väg till fred. Den metodologiska ansatsen har varit etnografisk och semisstrukturerade intervjuer har använts som metod för datainsamling. Teorier som har applicerats i denna studie är framförallt om kultur, förändringsprocesser och attitydförändringar. Tidigare forskning har fokuserats på förändringsagenter, fredsinitiativ och attitydförändringar. De främsta slutsatserna i denna studie är att rörelsen Sri Lanka Unites har en mycket stor påverkan på och förändrar många av skolprefekternas attityder. Förändringsagenterna upplever att de är en del av lösningen på att Sri Lanka ska fortsätta och i framtiden vara ett fredligt land. Dock är tiden det som får utvisa hur stora effekter förändringsagenterna och Sri Lanka Unites har på nationens väg till försoning.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Michigan, 1984.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Michigan, 1984.