The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution and the evolution of its influence as a result of judicial interpretation Abstract The thesis analyzes the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution and the changes in its understanding resulting from its interpretation by the Supreme Court of the United States throughout the years since the ratification of the Amendment. The thesis discusses every section of the Fourteenth Amendment, but the highest attention is dedicated to its most significant first section and the clauses contained in it; the citizenship clause, the privileges or immunities clause, the due process clause and the equal protection clause. The debates of the 39th Congress are discussed as well, as they offer an insight to the original understanding of the terms used in the text of the Amendment and allow to understand the context of its origin. The evolution of the Amendment's influence is then analyzed through a number of historical eras that reflect the ever-changing composition of the Court and the decisions stemming from it. The thesis tries to outline the most likely original meaning of the Amendment's clauses and compare it to their interpretation by the Supreme Court which makes it possible to observe the Amendment's gradually growing influence on american...

Substantial evidence demonstrates that marriage is associated with better health outcomes and lower mortality risk. Some evidence suggests that there are gender and race/ethnicity differences between the marriage-health benefits association. However, previous studies on marriage and health have mainly focused on non-Hispanic White-Black differences. Limited information is available regarding the roles of Hispanics. The present study examined marital status, gender, and the differences between non-Hispanic Whites, non-Hispanic Blacks, and Hispanics, in health outcomes. A retrospective cohort analysis of 24,119 Hispanic, NH White, and NH Black adults admitted to a large hospital was conducted. A total of 16,661 patients identified as either married or single was included in the final analyses. Consistent with the broader literature, marriage was associated with beneficial hospital utilization outcomes. With respect to differences in these benefits, results suggest that married patients, Hispanic patients, and women, were less likely to experience in-hospital mortality. Similar effects were observed in aggregated length of stay with married Hispanic women hospitalized nearly 2 days less than their single counterparts (6.83 days and 8.66 days, respectively). These findings support existing literature that marriage is associated with health benefits, add to the emerging research of a Hispanic survival advantage, and broaden the understanding of marriage and health in terms of differences by racial/ethnicity.

Le mandat de Theodore Roosevelt à la Maison Blanche (1901-1909) fut marqué par de nombreux efforts dans la conservation des ressources naturelles. C’était une thématique doublement importante pour Roosevelt, car non seulement voyait-il les effets négatifs de l’industrialisation sur l’avenir des ressources, mais la nature constituait une de ses passions depuis son enfance. Ainsi, il désirait continuer à développer un mouvement conservationniste qui existait depuis les années 1870. Ultimement, son objectif fut de consolider toutes les ressources naturelles sous l’autorité du gouvernement fédéral, grâce à de nombreuses politiques de développement des forêts, des terres agricoles, des cours d’eau, des pâtures et des terres minérales. Ce mémoire présente les nombreux angles à partir desquels s’est développée la conservation rooseveltienne, en plus d’examiner le rôle d’individus importants dans la communauté de conservation à l’époque de Roosevelt. De prime abord, les efforts déployés par le 26e Président sont généralement associés aux retombées économiques des ressources ou à leur utilisation concrète et ce, avec raison. Toutefois, nous nous sommes interrogés sur d’autres enjeux de la conservation. Theodore Roosevelt était très attaché à son idée d’une nation typiquement américaine et à ce qu’il considérait comme les valeurs essentielles des États-Unis. Ainsi, nous nous sommes penchés sur le lien qui pouvait exister entre cet idéal de la nation et les efforts pour la conservation des ressources. Cette étude montre donc que, avec son projet de conservation, Roosevelt fut en mesure de rester fidèle à certains des idéaux qui, pour lui, étaient essentiels au bon fonctionnement de la société américaine / Theodore Roosevelt's term in the White House (1901-1909) was marked by many efforts in the conservation of natural resources. This was a doubly important theme for Roosevelt, because not only did he see the negative effects of industrialization on the future of resources, but nature had been one of his passions since his childhood. Thus, he wanted to continue to father a conservationist movement that had existed since the 1870s. Ultimately, his objective was to consolidate all natural resources under the authority of the federal government, through numerous policies for the development of forests, agricultural lands, rivers, pastures, ranges and mineral lands. This thesis presents the many perspectives from which conservation developed under Roosevelt, as well as the role of important individuals in the conservation community during the Roosevelt era. Although conservation is generally associated with the economic benefits of natural resources and their actual uses, we explore what other issues conservation could address. Theodore Roosevelt was very attached to his idea of a typically American nation and to what he saw as the essential values of the United States. Thus, we examine the link that might have existed between this ideal of the nation and the efforts to protect natural resources. Our study shows that, by putting his conservation project into practice, Roosevelt was able to remain true to some of the ideals he believed were essential to the proper functioning of American society.

The abstract on the file is incorrect, use the the one in the system as it summerizes the full text. / This attempted to describe factors contributing to sleep deprivation in the a multidisciplinary intensive care unit in KwaZulu-Natal Province. A quantitative, descriptive research design was adopted and structured interviews were conducted with 34 adult patients. Most factors contributing to these patients' sleep deprivation are basic physiological needs. Much can be done to enhance patients' abilities to sleep if noise (from alarms, monitors, televisions, telephones and footsteps) could be controlled, patients' pain would be managed effectively, doctors would visit the patients regularly, doctors and nurses use lay terms when talking to patients. Visible clocks and windows will help patients to maintain time orientation. Friendly, approachable and respectful nurses who introduce themselves to the patients help' to reduce patients' stress levels and improve their abilities to sleep. / Health Sciences / M.A. (Health Studies)

The abstract on the file is incorrect, use the the one in the system as it summerizes the full text. / This attempted to describe factors contributing to sleep deprivation in the a multidisciplinary intensive care unit in KwaZulu-Natal Province. A quantitative, descriptive research design was adopted and structured interviews were conducted with 34 adult patients. Most factors contributing to these patients' sleep deprivation are basic physiological needs. Much can be done to enhance patients' abilities to sleep if noise (from alarms, monitors, televisions, telephones and footsteps) could be controlled, patients' pain would be managed effectively, doctors would visit the patients regularly, doctors and nurses use lay terms when talking to patients. Visible clocks and windows will help patients to maintain time orientation. Friendly, approachable and respectful nurses who introduce themselves to the patients help' to reduce patients' stress levels and improve their abilities to sleep. / Health Sciences / M.A. (Health Studies)

The United States of America and the institutions of the European Union are the most prominent democracy assistance donors in third countries. Over the last two decades, they have spent tens of billions of dollars to support the formation and consolidation of democratic regimes around the world. In this sense, the US and the EU have seemingly shared interests - i.e. seeking to build democratic institutions in target countries so that these become part of the community of democracies and contribute to the stability of the world's economic and political system. However, if we look at the approaches and strategies used by the US and the EU to support democracy, we find that they are often quite different and, in some respects, clashing. Why are the approaches of both actors different if they strive to reach the same goal? Or - upon closer examination - are their goals indeed somewhat different? The key problem is that democracy as such is a contested concept, so it is necessary to ask the question: if we are promoting democracy, what kind of democracy do we mean? If we finance the development of one or the other institution, what model of democratic establishment will be created? The thesis takes a constructivist view of this issue and demonstrates how the different democratic identities of the two...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:21:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Parte 1.pdf: 104883 bytes, checksum: aa66ea87b62ff076e10ae1ffa4793d76 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-02-04 / In this text I work a concept of Guarani people spirituality that is the Mborayu , the sterna spirit that integrates and disintegrates the elements that compound the Ñande Reko (Guarani Being); that converges or dissipates the elements and the bodies (ete kwere) that compound one self, that catalizes or dilutes Ñamandu (the nature of all words). The Mborayu also embraces the Aywu (the word) that nominates and organizes a comprehensions of Ñeem (term-idea), the spirit of things, that is not the reality (ete), because the ultimate reality (opa wa erã) belongs to Ñemi guaxu (the great mistery). In this tone, I go through in this study, the universe of Guarani myths and spirituality because the Mborayu brings together all the elements that compound Ñamandu, in a non-finished totality and, by it s great force of attraction, life (ikowe) is generated, thougt finding , it s ultimate espression in derth (mano), in the disintegration, is s last sense.(AU) / Neste texto trato de um conceito da espiritualidade do povo Guarani que é o Mborayu , a força-espírito: que integra e desintegra os elementos que compõem o Ñande Reko (a maneira de ser Guarani); que aglutina ou dispersa os elementos e os corpos (rete kwere) que compõem o indivíduo; que catalisa ou dilui Ñamandu (a natureza de todos os mundos). O Mborayu também abarca o Aywu (a palavra) que nomina e organiza uma compreensão do Ñeem (termo-idéia), do espírito das coisas, que não é a realidade (ete), porque a última realidade (opa wa erã) pertence a Ñemi Guaxu (o grande mistério). Nesse tom, percorro neste estudo, todo um universo da mítica e da espiritualidade Guarani, porque o Mborayu reúne todos os elementos que compõem Ñamandu, em uma totalidade inacabada e, por sua força de atração a vida (ikowe) é gerada, encontrando, no entanto, sua última expressão, na morte (mano), na desintegração, seu derradeiro sentido.(AU)

The origins of European integration and the factors that made it possible in the post-1945 era have been examined from different perspectives and interpreted in various ways. While federalists argue that the concept of European unity had been developed over centuries by different intellectual movements, the realist approaches of Milward and Dinan stress the importance of economic, political and security motives. Referring to the factors that contributed to the implementation of the Schuman Plan, both the federalist and realist approaches highlight the chief importance of states and their representatives. Yet, the ideas that inspired Jean Monnet, who designed the Schuman Plan, have received little attention. While the state is seen in the literature as the main actor that made the outcome possible, the role of Monnet and that of some of his close associates are almost ignored. By investigating Monnet's thought, this study shows that the source of his inspiration was not the countless plans for European unity put forward by European federalist movements or the random concepts that he came across, such as the New Deal. Rather, it is argued here that he was in fact constantly exposed to a coherent and well-structured philosophy. This thinking reached him through his direct contacts and frequent encounters with Felix Frankfurter and his associates, who formed an epistemic community, as defined by Peter M. Haas. The core concepts of this thinking inherited from Louis Brandeis and developed by Frankfurter – restoring and overseeing free competition – can be identified in Monnet's 1950 plan. The evidence shows that it became a shared philosophy of Monnet's group of friends. This is a fundamental aspect since, once the Schuman Plan was made public, Monnet's friends rallied around his project and contributed not only to overcoming stalemate at critical moments of the negotiations on the future treaty, but also to convincing statesmen of the value of the project. / Graduate

UNIVERZITA KARLOVA V PRAZE FAKULTA SOCIÁLNÍCH VĚD INSTITUT POLITOLOGICKÝCH STUDIÍ ABSTRACT OF DOCTORAL THESIS GLOBAL SPACE SECURITY AND THE U.S. - CHINA - RUSSIA RIVALRY 2016 JANA ROBINSON 2 ABSTRACT This study concentrates on whether the spacepower projection strategies of China and Russia, as communicated through their actions, key initiatives and public diplomacy positions, will, in the near future, undermine or advance global efforts to preserve the stability of the space environment and sustainability of outer space activities. In order to arrive at key findings, the analysis presented in this study is guided by two theories, the Astropolitik, a well-established spacepower theory of Everett C. Dolman, and the "preventive arms control in space" theory of Max Mutschler. It was concluded that arms control in space will not advance space security and prevent systemic destabilization of the space domain, and formal top-down arms control does not effectively restrain counterspace activities1 . It was likewise concluded that there exists a high probability (i.e. possibly greater than 75%) of near-term space 'incident' among the U.S., Russia and China. To prevent an escalatory spiral leading to conflict in space, the U.S. should continue to engage China and Russia (including in multilateral venues) in an...

L’émergence de la Chine dans le système international post-guerre froide pose un défi pour la position hégémonique des États-Unis et l’ordre mondial libéral. Lorsqu’ils tentent d’expliquer ce défi, les spécialistes tendent à se concentrer uniquement soit sur le hard power chinois (en particulier, sa puissance militaire) soit sur son soft power (l’attrait de sa culture et idéologie). Cette thèse développe un cadre d’analyse alternatif inspiré de la sociologie de Pierre Bourdieu, articulé autour de la notion de pouvoir symbolique. Elle conçoit la politique internationale en termes d’une lutte symbolique (entre, par exemple, une orthodoxie et une hétérodoxie) dont l’issue est déterminée par au moins trois facteurs cruciaux : contexte, capital et lieux communs. Ce cadre est appliqué à l’analyse du nouveau rôle de la Chine dans le monde depuis la fin de la guerre froide, lequel est indiscutablement l’un des développements les plus remarquables des relations internationales des temps modernes. La thèse démontre que la Chine ne défie pas l’hégémonie des États-Unis et l’ordre mondial libéral au sens conventionnel de la puissance matérielle ou de l’idéologie, mais plutôt au niveau symbolique. La thèse soutient que la conjonction des trois facteurs susmentionnés a été nécessaire à l’influence mondiale de la Chine : (1) la crise de légitimation des États-Unis (sur les plan économique, politique et idéologique), couplée à l’extraordinaire ascension de nouvelles puissances dans le système international comme la Chine, ont créé un contexte historique favorable ou « condition de possibilité »; (2) l’énorme capital symbolique accumulé par la Chine, en raison non seulement de son nouveau statut de grande puissance, mais aussi de son approche pragmatique des questions nationales et internationales, en a fait une source d’inspiration convoitée mondialement ; (3) la mobilisation stratégique par la Chine de son capital symbolique, sous la forme d’un ensemble de lieux communs ‘rhétoriques’, a grandement contribué à légitimer sa puissance, en particulier aux yeux des élites dirigeantes dans le monde en développement, dissimulant ainsi le caractère asymétrique et arbitraire de ses relations. Ensemble, ces trois éléments –contexte, capital, lieux communs– expliquent le pouvoir symbolique de la Chine, c’est-à-dire la perception selon laquelle, contrairement aux États-Unis, elle propose des réponses pertinentes et cohérentes aux problèmes d’organisation sociale, économique et politique de ce monde. L’ascension de la Chine remet ainsi en question le « méta-capital » des États-Unis, c’est-à-dire son monopole sur la production du capital économique, social, culturel et symbolique. L’accent mis sur cette dimension symbolique de la lutte pour définir et imposer la « vision légitime du monde social et ses divisions » révèle une rupture avec la pratique conventionnelle de la politique des grandes puissances, au profit d’une transformation pacifique du système international et d’une diplomatie symbolique. Cet accent sur le pouvoir symbolique ouvre des avenues prometteuses pour l’étude du changement et des sources d’autorité sur la scène politique mondiale, traditionnellement définie comme « anarchique ». / China’s rise within the international system in the post-Cold War era challenges the hegemonic position of the United States and the Western liberal order. In trying to explain this challenge, scholars tend to either focus on Chinese hard power (in particular, its military power) or on its soft power (the attractiveness of its culture and ideology). This thesis develops an alternative Bourdieu-inspired framework addressing symbolic power. It conceptualizes international politics in terms of a symbolic struggle (such as that between orthodoxy and heterodoxy) whose outcome is determined by at least three crucial factors: context, capital and commonplaces. The framework is applied to the analysis of China’s new world role, which is arguably one of the most remarkable developments in modern international relations. The thesis shows that China does not challenge U.S. hegemonic position and the Western liberal order in the conventional sense of material power or ideology, but rather at the symbolic level. The thesis argues that the combination of the three above-mentioned factors has been necessary to China’s worldwide influence : (1) the legitimation crisis of the United States (economically, politically and ideologically), paired with the extraordinary rise of new illiberal powers on the world scene such as China, created a favourable historical context or “condition of possibility”; (2) the huge amount of symbolic capital accumulated by China, not only because of its new status as a great power, but also because of the success of its pragmatic approach to national and international issues, made it become a source of inspiration for countries across the world; (3) the strategic mobilization by China of its symbolic capital, in the form of ‘rhetorical’ commonplaces, greatly contributed to legitimize its power, especially in the eyes of ruling elites in the developing world, thereby dissimulating the asymmetric and arbitrary nature of the Chinese power and relations. Together, these three components -context, capital, and commonplaces- explain the emergence of China as a symbolic power, i.e. the perception that, unlike the United States, China now has the authority to speak the truth and to define causes of and remedies for certain problems and crises. China’s rise challenges the Unites States’ ‘meta-capital’, that is, its monopoly on the production of economic, social, cultural, and symbolic capital. The focus on this symbolic dimension as a ‘weapon’ in the struggle to define and impose the “legitimate vision of the social world and its divisions” reveals a rupture in the conventional practice of great powers politics, pointing to a peaceful transformation of the international system and symbolic diplomacy. It shows that a focus on symbolic power opens promising avenues for the study of change and sources of authority in world politics, traditionally defined as “anarchic”.