This thesis deals with Vietnamese scholar Nguyễn Thuật and his Diary of Journey to Tiānjīn (Wǎng Jīn rìjì 往津日記; hereinafter the Diary), which contains records of the journey of the Vietnamese diplomatic envoy to China in 1883. The aim is to identify the informative values of the Diary as well as Nguyễn Thuật's perception of China from a political and cultural standpoint by analyzing the content of the Diary. The first chapter provides cultural context of historical events during the second half of the 19th century. The following chapter is the main chapter where Nguyễn Thuật and his Diary are elaborated on. The thesis concludes with hypotheses of Nguyễn Thuật's intentions to write his Diary and assessment of informative values and thus opens the way to deeper comprehension of the historical development of Sino-Vietnamese relations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gabriela Cristina Granco do Amaral.pdf: 1112380 bytes, checksum: 18917c70051fd4aac0bc7748e1c31780 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The rapid rise of China and its growing power have broadened the questions about what he will do to achieve the prominence that judges deserve: whether to continue accepting international order that is called and in which developed its accelerated growth path, or if you prefer vai contest this order, or some of its basic components. The dissertation examines China's relations with Vietnam, especially the dispute over the islands of the South Sea, to the Chinese, or East Sea, to the Vietnamese. The goal is to see how it applies in this case diplomacy of "peaceful rise", expression adopted in 2003, and wants to signal that China's interest in ascend without causing damage to other country without undermining international order, ie the compormisso China to promote the development of their country and the other through cooperation and peace. Both countries have ancient territorial disputes around islands located in a region of great interest to the security and the external projection of China. The dissertation examines the foreign policy of nationalism in the weight issue and examines the ramifications of diplomatic dispouta on the islands / A rápida ascensão da China e seu crescente poderio vêm ampliando os questionamentos sobre o que fará para atingir a proeminência que julga merecer: se continuará aceitando a ordem internacional a que se ligou e na qual desenvolveu seu caminho de crescimento acelerado, ou se vai preferir contestar essa ordem, ou alguns de seus componentes básicos. A dissertação analisa as relações da China com o Vietnã, em especial o conflito em torno das ilhas do Mar do Sul, para os chineses, ou do Mar do Leste, para os vietnamitas. O objetivo é verificar como se aplica nesse caso a diplomacia de "ascensão pacífica", expressão adotada em 2003, e que quer sinalizar o interesse da China em ascender sem causar danos a outros país e sem abalar a ordem internacional, ou seja, o compormisso da China de promover o desenvolvimento do seu país e dos demais por meio de cooperação e paz. Os dois países têm disputas territoriais antigas em torno de ilhas localizadas em região de grande interesse para a segurança e para a projeção externa da China. A dissertação analisa a política externa o peso do nacionalismo na questão e examina os desdobramentos diplomáticos da dispouta sobre as ilhas

中國與越南的關係源遠流長，自古就是山水相連的鄰邦，由於特殊的歷史、文化和地緣等因素，自古以來，中國就是對越南影響最大的國家。中華人民共和國成立後，從1950年到1990年的40年當中，中越關係經歷了從「同志加兄弟」到「兵戎相見」的嚴重對立又走向改善這樣關係大幅度的改變和劇烈變化。「渡盡劫波兄弟在，相逢一笑泯恩仇」，隨著1991年11月中越關係正常化以來，雙方在各個領域的交往與合作日益發展。1999年2月，兩國領導人確立了新世紀中越關係的發展框架，即「長期穩定、面向未來、睦鄰友好、全面合作」的方針。2002年中共總書記江澤民訪越期間表示，兩國要永遠成為好鄰居、好朋友、好同志、好夥伴。2008年5月底，越共中央總書記農德孟應邀訪問中國大陸時，中越發表《聯合聲明》宣示，雙邊關係提升為「全面合作戰略夥伴關係」。 2010年迎接中越建交60周年，雙方將今(2010)年定為中越友誼年，兩國關係正常化後，在政治關係，領導人互訪頻繁，建立各種對話機制和管道；在經濟合作方面，雙邊貿易迅速擴大，與中共－東協自由貿易區依存日益加深。但在友好合作關係下仍然存在有諸如民族主義興起、領土糾紛、台越關係的影響、貿易不平衡、投資與政治關係不對稱、歷史華僑等，不利於兩國關係發展問題；整體觀之，中越雖存在著矛盾，但可推測兩國未來的關係仍將持續深化，以維持和平、穩定的周邊環境；雙方仍互相抱持高度警覺與戒心；越南將加強與東協及大國關係，以提升對中共談判與對抗優勢；互藉地緣優勢，各取所得；進一步擴大雙邊經貿等方向前進。 / Sino-Vietnam relations can be traced back to ancient times. They have been neighboring countries sharing the same border. Compared with other countries, China has imposed most influence on Vietnam due to their special historical, cultural, and geographical connections. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), China and Vietnam relationship experienced dramatic change within years from 1940 to 1990. It started from the period of “comrades plus brothers”, then went to “resort to arms,” and finally improved to current benign relationship. The China-Vietnam relations can be described as “experiences disaster brothers, as soon as meet by chance, their smile vanishes the love and hate.” After the normalization in November 1991, the two countries’ interaction and cooperation in all aspects have been further strengthened. In February 1999, the leadership of two countries established the framework for bilateral relations in the new century, which is “long-term stability, facing the future, good-neighborly relations, and comprehensive cooperation.” In 2002, Jiang Zemin, Chairman of the Communist Party of China, visited Vietnam and noted that two countries would always be good neighbors, good friends, good comrades, and good partners. In the end of May 2008, Nông Đức Mạnh Chairman of the Communist Party of Vietnam, visited China. Two countries made Joint Statement and declared to elevate bilateral tie to ‘comprehensive strategic partnership.’ In 2010, for the upcoming 60th anniversary of Sino-Vietnam diplomatic relations, two countries define the year as ‘China-Vietnam friendship year.’ Since establishing two countries’ diplomatic relation, politically, the leadership of two countries has visited each other frequently. Economically, bilateral trades have expanded rapidly and further relied on China-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) Zone. Nevertheless, several issues emerge and handicap their cooperation. These issues include the rise of nationalism, territory conflicts, impact from Taiwan-Vietnam relations, trade imbalance, the asymmetry of investment and political conditions, and influence from overseas Chinese. Overall, despite of existing contradictions, the development of China-Vietnam relationship will be continually enhanced so as to maintain a peaceful and stable environment. At the same time, two countries will still be highly cautious of each other. Vietnam will improve its connections with ASEAN and other major states in order to strengthen its advantage on negotiation table against China. Two countries will make the best use of their own geographic advantage and take what they need from their cooperation. Also, they will further expand bilateral economic and trade relations in the future.

摘要 近十年來，北京已轉變它在東南亞區域的外交政策，希望與東盟成員國家能維持一定的良好關係，並發展出一個和平又互利的戰略夥伴關係。1997年到2012年之間，中國與東盟從建立對話機制開始，雙方實質上的經貿投資與聯合計畫都快速增長。從多方面顯示：不僅在政治、經濟與維持區域安全等方面，中國與東盟成員都已共享務實的合作成果，近來更大力拓展雙方的互連互通與交通基礎建設，期使共同邁向實質的中國－東盟戰略夥伴關係。 南中國海周邊各國的利害與衝突不一，是個複雜的區域；而中國與東盟成員之間的對話機制與合作關係的基礎上，有助於減緩此一緊張情勢。本報將採用文獻分析的定性研究方法告指出（實際上）（1）北京的東南亞外交政策正面臨的主要挑戰是有東盟以外國家新勢力的強力介入或是舊有勢力的急速恢復，進而互相抗衡。（2）中國被稱為有過分自信的政策規劃期間，北京在推動與東盟戰略夥伴關係，實際上中國與東盟成員關系都已共享務實的合作成果。 / Abstract China-ASEAN relations have been transformed over the last decade by Beijing’s aim to create a stable neighboring environment as outlined in its state policy of peaceful development. This relationship has been embodied in a series of joint plans and statements with ASEAN between 1997 and 2012. In the three areas of politics and security, economy, and connectivity and infrastructure, the paper will show the relationship has followed a similar pattern, that is cooperation has been deepened according to China’s aims for its relationship with Southeast Asia. While relations have continued to develop in these areas, constant focus on the issues of assertiveness and territorial disputes, particularly over the last 3 years, means that progress and development in the relationship often receives little attention. The South China Sea is a complex issue, however security-related dialogue between China and ASEAN member states will be shown to have mitigated this problem to a certain extent. The paper will show that the challenges to Beijing’s policy lies with countries from outside the sub-region and their return, or growing role in Southeast Asian affairs, and that in fact during the period when China has been labeled more ‘assertive’ its relationship with ASEAN has deepened and developed as planned. In its use of materials the paper will employ the qualitative research method of document analysis.