Thesis (D.P.A.)--University of La Verne, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 300-318).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-113).

The purpose of this study is to examine how the Swedish Young Conservatives related to Vietnam issue between 1965 and 1973 by studying the organization's own newspaper with the method qualitative text analysis as described in Esaiasson et al. (2007). In the absence of previous research which has studied the same topic we have chosen to relate the results of this study to previous studies, that have dealt with Svenska Dagbladet´s attitude to the Vietnam war, as it is the most well known conservative Swedish newspaper and can thus be considered representative of the conservative press in Sweden. In order to achieve the aim, we studied the association's view on the Vietnam conflict, on American policy and on the Swedish Government's policy as well as on Vietnam issue as discussed in Swedish public opinion.The results shows that Swedish Young Conservatives retains a positive image of the United States  for almost the entire investigation period, when the United States is seen as the good party in the conflict and as a symbol for democracy and freedom. A new and more negative image of the United States is emerging in 1972. The conflict is seen as the United States fight against communism until 1972, when a reassessment of the conflict takes place and the United States presence in Vietnam is beginning to be questioned. The result also shows that the Swedish Young Consevatives remains critical of the Government's policy of Vietnam during the entire investigation period, in line with the moderate party. Key words: Vietnam War, Swedish Young Conservatives, Swedish conservative press, Swedish foreign politics.

This thesis investigates the state of Canadian public opinion concerning the war in Vietnam from the time of Canada's initial involvement on the International Control Commission in 1954, to the final pullout of Canadian observers in 1973. The Canadian Institute of Public Opinion polls will form the basis of this examination, but various media publications and government statements will also be used to portray the nature of public debate on this issue. This study is broken down into two periods; from 1954 to 1964 and from 1965 to 1973. The conclusions reached show that fear of communism contributed to significant Canadian public support for American intervention i n Vietnam in the early years of the conflict. It was only near the end of the war, when Canadians began to consider U.S. actions as more dangerous to world peace than revolutionary communism, that support for American policy declined. However, throughout the entire period of this study there was always a large percentage of Canadians who were undecided about the war. This most likely reflects the general apathy of Canadians when confronted with foreign policy questions that had little direct impact on their daily lives. Nevertheless, there was a considerable percentage of the population that was strongly opposed to the American intervention and to what was considered the Canadian government's complicity in prolonging the war. Overall, Canadian attitudes changed slowly and even then only very little.

No description available.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 116-121). / iv, 121 leaves, bound 29 cm

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Alabama, 2006. / Typescript. A gap exists in understanding and modeling the Vietnam War era for lack of quantitative studies that examine the political effect of the military draft. Using presidential approval ratings as a proxy for political support, this study seeks to fill the void by evaluating the effects of the Vietnam-era draft on presidential approval between 1954 and 1975. With a basis in rational theory, it uses Autoregressive Moving Average time series analysis, both bivariate and multivariate, in a quasi-experimental design to detect significant impacts of the draft as operationalized by induction rates. This work also provides a synopsis of the U.S. presence in Vietnam as well as a short history of the modern, military draft in America. It finds significant direct effects of the draft upon presidential approval that vary by period. The draft shifts from having no impact on aggregated approval ratings to a negative impact as the conflict mounts, suggesting public resistance grew as conflict costs increased. In the post-test period, the draft showed some tertiary effects, but yielded nothing indisputable for the final multivariate model. In modeling the entire conflict period, only economic and presidential series proved significant suggesting the difficulty of sustaining long-term attention by the public. Granger Causality Testing helped further confirm the importance of the draft by returning evidence of causal relationships in three of the four periods evaluated. Overall, inductions outperformed casualties as a direct influence upon presidential approval. Tests for interactive effects of the draft and casualties did not prove significant. These results pertain to historical studies as well as subsequent examinations of involuntary conscription, either directly in a military draft or indirectly through executive policy directing the use of active or reserve military forces. There may also be some relevance for other federal service programs. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 172-211).

Thesis PlanB (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Stout, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1970. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 613-618).