Tv-serien Vikings har blivit väldigt populär sedan den först sändes i mars 2013. Vi undrar dock hur de olika folken (nordbor och engelsmän) i serien framställs i de religiösa kontakter och konflikter som uppstår under den första säsongen. Den här uppsatsen syftar till att undersöka stereotypisering av religiösa skillnader mellan fornnordiskt religiösa nordbor och kristna engelsmän i tv-serien Vikings. Vi vill också besvara frågor om hur nordbor och engelsmän framställs i tv-serien, samt hur lärare kan använda sig av mediet tv-serier och specifikt tv-serien Vikings i undervisningen för att lyfta frågor om kulturella skillnader i dåtiden och elevernas samtid med utgångspunkt i LGr 11. Teorin om stereotypisering grundar sig boken ​Histories on screen - The past and present in Anglo-American cinema and television ​(Edwards, Sayer och Dolski 2018). I boken beskrivs tv-serien ​The last kingdom,​ som hade sitt första avsnitt 2015. I The last kingdom får publiken se hur nordbor, ur engelsmännens perspektiv, anlände till England under början av medeltiden. Författarna berättar hur nordborna i serien framställs som blodtörstiga vildar som plundrade och våldtog allt i sin väg. Författarna menar på att detta följer en stereotyp i tidigare populärkultur,​ ViciousVikings (​1994), där nordbor framställs på liknande sätt. Undersökningen gjordes med grund i Andersson och Hedlings (1999) metod för filmanalys och utgår från Hedlings fyra principer. Vi har valt att ge en presentation av varje avsnitt blandat med löpande analys för att underlätta för läsare att förstå vilken del av de åtta avsnitten som analyseras istället för att ge en lång analys efter beskrivningen av empirin. Efter att ha analyserat de första åtta avsnitten i den första säsongen av tv-serien Vikings kom vi fram till att huvudkaraktärerna i serien inte passar in i den stereotypa bilden av vikingar. Däremot kunde vi se att många bikaraktärer och namnlösa karaktärer passar in i den stereotypa bilden genom deras handlingar. Vi kom även fram till att användningen av Vikings i undervisningssyfte kan vara fördelaktigt om det kombineras med övrig undervisning kring historia eller religionsämnet. Att visa bitar ur serien för att förstärka det man går igenom med eleverna kan hjälpa dem att lättare förstå en möjlig tolkning av hur fornnordisk religion utövades. Vikings kan även användas för att visa på stereotypisering inom medieprodukter inom svenskämnet i kombination med religionsundervisning. Att undervisa elever om stereotypisering av religiöst utövande i olika medieprodukter kan hjälpa elever att bättre förstå hur komplext religion kan vara. Utifrån denna analys har vi lärt oss på en fördjupad nivå om hur vi kan använda oss av filmmediet i det undervisade klassrummet, samt hur vi kan använda filmmediet för att nå en djupare kunskap inom det aktuella ämnet. / The TV series Vikings has become very popular since it was first broadcast in March 2013. However, we wonder how the various peoples (Norsemen and Englishmen) in the series are portrayed in the religious contacts and conflicts that arise during the first season. This paper aims to investigate stereotyping of religious differences between old norse religious Norsemen and christian Englishmen in the TV series Vikings. We also want to answer questions about how the Norsemen and Englishmen are presented in the TV series, and how teachers can make use of the media TV series and specifically the TV series Vikings in the teaching to raise issues about cultural differences in the past and the pupils' time based on LGr 11. The theory of stereotyping is based on the book Histories on screen - The past and present in Anglo-American cinema and television (Edwards, Sayer and Dolski 2018). The book describes the television series The last kingdom, which had its first episode in 2015. In The last kingdom, the audience can see how the Norsemen, from the English perspective, arrived in England in the early Middle Ages. The authors explain how the Norsemen in the series are portrayed as bloodthirsty savages who plundered and raped everything in their path. The authors argue that this follows a stereotype in earlier popular culture, Vicious Vikings (1994), in which the Norsemen are produced in a similar way. The survey was based on Andersson and Hedling's (1999) method for film analysis and is based on Hedling's four principles. We have chosen to give a presentation of each episode mixed with ongoing analysis to make it easier for readers to understand which part of the eight episodes is analyzed instead of giving a long analysis after the description of the empirical data. After analyzing the first eight episodes of the first season of the TV series Vikings, we came to the conclusion that the main characters of the series don’t fit into the stereotypical image of Vikings. However, we could see that many side characters and unnamed characters fit into the stereotypical image through their actions. We also found that the use of Vikings for educational purposes can be beneficial if it’s combined with other teaching on history or religion. Showing pieces from the series to reinforce what a teacher teaches his or her students can help them understand a possible interpretation of how Old Norse religion was practiced. Vikings can also be used to demonstrate stereotyping in media products within the Swedish subject in combination with religious education. Teaching students about the stereotyping of religious practice in various media products can help students better understand how complex religion can be. Based on this analysis, we have learned at an in-depth level about how we can use the film media in the taught classroom, and how we can use the film media to reach a deeper knowledge within the current subject.

Building offerings, artefacts or bones that had been placed under or within house features, are considered evidence of rites associated with house construction, remodelling or abandonment, and are an archaeological phenomenon that was common throughout European prehistory. This dissertation focuses on interpreting building offerings dating to the Viking Age in Iceland and Scotland. Each find of this type is unique, which poses a challenge for archaeological investigations that often lack the interpretive framework needed to make comparisons between sites. This dissertation critically refines the frameworks of previous studies of similar types of deposits in AngloSaxon Britain and Scandinavia in order to fill this gap in research and discuss the purpose of houserites. The frameworks of behavioural and cognitive archaeology indicate that the performance of house-rites played a role in the construction of the house as the centre of the world-view of Vikingage people. House-rites are situated as prescriptive behaviours that negotiated perspectives of space throughout the residential life-cycle by adding to house materiality. This refined interpretive paradigm is then applied to a comparative survey of Viking-age houses and farmsteads from Iceland and Scotland. In the North Atlantic region, house-rites appear to have been performed in order for Norse people to reimagine their place in the world. The practical elements of the tradition were altered based on the relevant cultural frameworks and specific geo-political contexts to which Norse people were migrating in the Viking Age. In Iceland, people utilised displays of generosity and skills as providers during house-rites to construct an association between social relationships and residential space. The house itself had agency in situating people both within the landscape and the community. In Norse settlements in Scotland, Scandinavian people were relating themselves directly to the symbols used by native peoples through the use of personal objects in the performance of houserites, integrating their new environment into their mentalities. In Scandinavia, house-rites were a long-standing tradition, leading to a well-established, carefully negotiated sense of identity within the landscape. The Norse people who migrated into the North Atlantic region during the Viking Age were leaving this well-established sense of place. This intensified the climate of uncertainty regarding their place in the world, leading to the negotiation of mentalities through the discursive dynamics of house-rites in altered contexts.

This thesis investigates the concept of ‘diaspora’ as it applies to the Scandinavian settlements of Orkney and Dublin in the eleventh century. Comparative analysis identifies how key differences in the settlements’ location and make-up affected their dynamic, and even opportunistic, set of relationships with their Scandinavian ‘homelands’ and with their Insular neighbours. Drawing on archaeological and written evidence, and adopting an interdisciplinary approach, produces a more sophisticated and holistic examination of Orkney and Dublin’s political, ecclesiastical, economic, and cultural connections, while helping to reveal when our source information is concentrated in a particular area, or lacking in another. As regards politics in Chapter One, Norwegian kings were only occasionally able to exert control over Orkney, but Scandinavia had even less direct political influence on Dublin. In the ecclesiastical sphere, explored in Chapter Two, it is shown that Dublin was the site of various cults but often looked to England for episcopal matters, while Orkney was influenced by both Scandinavia and northern Britain. Turning to economics in Chapter Three, little evidence of direct trade between the international commercial hub of Dublin and Scandinavia can be found, whereas Orkney’s very location guaranteed economic interaction with Norway. When it comes to cultural matters in Chapter Four, it is argued that a hybrid urban identity may have been more significant and more prevalent than a Scandinavian one in Dublin. Unlike Dublin, Orkney remained, in many respects, on a cultural axis that stretched from Norway to Iceland. The definitions of ‘diaspora’ set out by Lesley Abrams and Judith Jesch in relation to Scandinavian settlements abroad are used as a point of reference. The findings of this thesis suggest that ‘diaspora’ is not a one-size-fits-all label, as diasporic features were not always transmitted directly in a straightforward fashion. Some Scandinavian features may have reached Dublin via England, with which it had strong connections. Even if Orcadians and Dubliners were aware of their shared Scandinavian heritage, this does not seem to have played a particularly important part in their foreign policy and decision-making. Being part of a diaspora does not necessarily mean that this was their primary affiliation.

The history of the Viking invasions in England and what is now France in the ninth and tenth centuries is fairly well documented by medieval chroniclers. The process by which these people adopted Christianity, however, is not. The written and archaeological evidence that we can cobble together indicates that the Scandinavians who settled in England and Normandy converted very quickly. Their conversion was clearly closely associated with settlement on the land. Though Scandinavians in both countries expressed no interest in Christianity as long as they engaged in a Viking lifestyle, characterized by rootless plundering, they almost always accepted Christianity within one or two generations of becoming peasants, even when they lived in heavily Scandinavian, Norse-speaking communities. While the early history of the Vikings in Ireland was similar to that of the Vikings elsewhere, it soon took a different course. While English and French leaders were able to set aside land on which they encouraged the Scandinavians to settle, none of the many petty Irish kings had the wealth or power to do this. The Vikings in Ireland were therefore forced to maintain a lifestyle based on plunder and trade. Over time, they became concentrated into a few port towns from which they travelled inland to conduct raids and then exported what they had stolen from other parts of the Scandinavian diaspora. Having congregated at a few small sites, most prominently Dublin, they remained distinct from the rest of Ireland for centuries. The evidence suggests that they took about four generations to convert. Their conversion differed from that of Scandinavians elsewhere not only in that it was so delayed, but also in that, unlike in England and Normandy, it was not associated with the re-establishment of an ecclesiastical hierarchy. Rather, when the Scandinavians in Ireland did convert, they did so because they were evangelized by monastic communities, in particular the familia of Colum Cille, who had not fled from foundations close to the Viking ports. These communities were probably driven by political concerns to take an interest in the rising Scandinavian towns.

The history of the Viking invasions in England and what is now France in the ninth and tenth centuries is fairly well documented by medieval chroniclers. The process by which these people adopted Christianity, however, is not. The written and archaeological evidence that we can cobble together indicates that the Scandinavians who settled in England and Normandy converted very quickly. Their conversion was clearly closely associated with settlement on the land. Though Scandinavians in both countries expressed no interest in Christianity as long as they engaged in a Viking lifestyle, characterized by rootless plundering, they almost always accepted Christianity within one or two generations of becoming peasants, even when they lived in heavily Scandinavian, Norse-speaking communities. While the early history of the Vikings in Ireland was similar to that of the Vikings elsewhere, it soon took a different course. While English and French leaders were able to set aside land on which they encouraged the Scandinavians to settle, none of the many petty Irish kings had the wealth or power to do this. The Vikings in Ireland were therefore forced to maintain a lifestyle based on plunder and trade. Over time, they became concentrated into a few port towns from which they travelled inland to conduct raids and then exported what they had stolen from other parts of the Scandinavian diaspora. Having congregated at a few small sites, most prominently Dublin, they remained distinct from the rest of Ireland for centuries. The evidence suggests that they took about four generations to convert. Their conversion differed from that of Scandinavians elsewhere not only in that it was so delayed, but also in that, unlike in England and Normandy, it was not associated with the re-establishment of an ecclesiastical hierarchy. Rather, when the Scandinavians in Ireland did convert, they did so because they were evangelized by monastic communities, in particular the familia of Colum Cille, who had not fled from foundations close to the Viking ports. These communities were probably driven by political concerns to take an interest in the rising Scandinavian towns.

Dissertation--Universität Münster, 1993/1994. / Bibliogr. p. 168-175.

"Diese Arbeit hat ... 1933 der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität Leipzig als Dissertation vorgelegen." / "Quellen-und literaturverzeichnis": p. [xiii]-xx.

Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos da Tradução, Florianópolis, 2014. / Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-29T21:02:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 332917.pdf: 7718237 bytes, checksum: 78ded34d2ad536c0e3f72c9a9c9425b6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / A tese contém a tradução completa para o português da Brennu-Njáls saga (Saga de Njáll), obra islandesa anônima da segunda metade do séc. XIII, considerada a mais importante das sagas de islandeses (Íslendingasögur) e um dos expoentes da literatura escandinava medieval. Inicia-se com uma apresentação geral sobre a obra e seu contexto literário, salientando alguns aspectos relevantes de sua recepção moderna, e então, servindo-se de ideias de Lawrence Venuti e Antoine Berman, faz uma proposta de tradução estrangeirizante que almeja, por meio da escolha do texto-fonte e de estratégias tradutórias, desviar-se de algumas tendências constatáveis no contexto de recepção da tradução. Para tal, serve-se o tradutor da noção de horizonte de expectativa formulada por Hans Robert Jauss e da concepção de que o tradutor, além de mediador entre línguas e culturas, é também um autor cujo trabalho envolve elementos intuitivos e criativos. A exposição do projeto tradutório busca manifestar a posição tradutiva e o horizonte do tradutor, salientando a responsabilidade crítica envolvida no ato tradutório. A tradução estrangeirizante é aqui definida como tradução desviante de preconcepções correntes acerca da cultura-fonte e da literatura-fonte no contexto de recepção, de modo que a tática de tradução estrangeirizante coloca-se como uma estratégia de ação crítica na recepção de uma literatura estrangeira.<br> / Abstract : The thesis contains the complete translation into Portuguese of Brennu-Njáls saga (Njal?s saga), an anonymous Icelandic work from the second half of the 13th century and considered to be the most important of the sagas of Icelanders (Íslendingasögur) and one of the landmarks of Medieval Scandinavian Literature. It beggins with a general presentation of the work and its literary context, pointing out some relevant aspects of its modern reception, and then proposes a foreignizing translation, making use of Lawrence Venuti?s and Antoine Berman?s ideas. This translation aims, through the choice of the source-text and translation strategies, to deviate from some observable tendencies in the reception context for the translation. Thus, the translation employs the notion of ?horizon of expectation? formulated by Hans Robert Jauss. It also suggests that a translator, besides being a mediator between languages and cultures, is also an author whose work involves creative and intuitive elements. The exposition of the translation project aims to manifest the translator?s position and the translator?s horizon, pointing out the critical responsibility involved in the act of translating. Foreignizing translation is here defined as a translation that deviates from current preconceptions about the source-culture and the source-literature within the reception context, so that the tactics of the foreignizing translation may be seen as a critical action in the reception of a foreign literature.

La naissance du roman historique en Suède, traditionnellement située en 1828, coïncide avec un mouvement national-romantique vouant un véritable culte à la figure de l’ancien Scandinave. Mais dans cette première moitié du XIXe siècle, le genre historique est encore en mal de reconnaissance et les auteurs désireux d’évoquer le Haut Moyen Âge septentrional semblent avoir préféré se tourner vers des formes littéraires plus prestigieuses, telles que la poésie ou le théâtre. Dès le début du XXe siècle, les romans situés à l’âge des Vikings se multiplient. Une étude thématique de ces œuvres révèle que de nombreux écrivains ont été fascinés par des personnages types censés incarner la période : la figure de l’ancêtre et ses différents avatars (héros civilisateur, pionnier, patriarche) et celle de l’aventurier, dont la personnification la plus emblématique est le navigateur viking. Par souci de réalisme historique et pour rompre avec une tradition de glorification sans retenue, ces personnages vont subir une désidéalisation importante au cours du XXe siècle. D’autres romanciers ont choisi de s’intéresser à l’époque viking, car il s’agit d’une période de grands bouleversements religieux et politiques dans l’Histoire des pays scandinaves. Ces auteurs s’attachent à dépeindre le processus de christianisation et les conflits religieux entre païens et convertis. Dans une moindre mesure, ils évoquent aussi les mutations sociales et politiques. De façon générale, les représentations du Haut Moyen Âge nordique et de ses habitants trahissent les prises de position des romanciers suédois. Ceux-ci dévoilent leur vision du passé et n’hésitent pas à se livrer à une véritable relecture de l’Histoire. / The birth of the historical novel in Sweden, traditionally dated from 1828, coincides with a national-romantic movement exalting the figure of the ancient Scandinavian. But in this first half of the nineteenth century, the historical novel is still in want of recognition and authors wishing to recount the Nordic Early Middle Ages seem to favour more prestigious literary forms, such as poetry or theatre. In the beginning of the twentieth century, works depicting the Viking Age become more numerous. A thematic study of these novels reveals that many writers are fascinated by typical figures seen to embody this period: the figure of the ancestor and its different forms (the civilizing hero, the pioneer, the patriarch) and the one of the adventurer, the most illustrative personification of which is the Viking navigator. Yearning for historical realism and for emancipation from a tradition of unlimited glorification, their characters will undergo a significant de-idealization during the twentieth century. Other novelists take an interest in the Viking Age because it is a period rife with religious and political changes in the History of Scandinavian nations. These authors attempt to depict the process of Christianization and the ensuing religious conflict between pagans and converts. To a lesser extent, they also deal with the social and political transformations. Generally speaking, the representations of the Nordic Early Middle Ages and their inhabitants disclose the Swedish novelists’ views and stances. These authors hence reveal their vision of the past and do not shy away from reinterpreting history.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Department of Anthropology, August 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 263-286). Also available on the Internet.