This dissertation consists of three empirical studies that address questions regarding state welfare policy making in the post-welfare reform era. The first empirical study pays close attention to the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) as a federal block grant program, which is a big departure from most previous TANF studies, to ask why American states differ in their decisions to allocate federal block grants across specific programs. Drawing on research on fiscal federalism and state and cross-national welfare politics, the study uses cross-sectional time-series data covering 50 states over the fiscal years 2004-2016 to examine factors that have an impact on state child care spending under the TANF block grant. The results show that several political factors and one socio-economic factor impact states’ TANF child care spending in the hypothesized direction. Most importantly, the study finds that a specific state government’s TANF policy designed to encourage work matters in an interesting way. States’ emphasis on work of TANF recipients, measured by the existence of the TANF job-search rule, exerts a positive, independent effect on the percentage of state TANF child care spending, but the positive marginal effect of implementing the job-search rule becomes negative as the percentage of female state legislators passes 28%. The study shed lights on our general understanding of the factors that influence state allocations of federal block grants for an understudied but increasingly important policy program in the American states—child care. The second empirical study examines whether the selection of indicators of welfare policy commitment makes any difference for the findings in studies of the determinants of state welfare policy. If so, what difference does it make? While scholars of state welfare politics have long been making efforts to find better explanations for variation in welfare policy across American states, the literature as a whole has paid little attention to how differently scholars operationalize state welfare policy even though they examine a variety of welfare policy measures. To address these questions, I estimate a series of different panel data models with different measures of state welfare commitment for the period after the welfare reform of 1996. Comparing the results across these models shows that the choice of dependent variable measures affects the estimation results, thereby suggesting that empirical findings are dependent upon the measure we use. This finding not only shows that scholars need to be cautious in interpreting their results but also opens up a new puzzle as to why a factor affects a particular welfare measure but not others. The last empirical study addresses the question: do the effects of party politics differ across welfare policies? In answering this question, the study draws on the literature on deservingness and social construction of target populations and hypothesizes that party politics would play a differential role in explaining the generosity of different welfare policies depending on the perceived deservingness of target populations. To test this hypothesis, I estimate three models each for TANF, Supplemental Security Income-State Supplements (SSI-S), and Medicaid generosity covering the period after the welfare reform. I find that party politics still remains as an important predictor of state welfare generosity, especially where welfare policy for the deserving poor and mixed population in terms of its deservingness is concerned. Also, there are differential effects of party politics across the welfare policies examined, but sometimes in an unexpected direction. This study provides a valuable addition to the literature in that it updates and enriches our understanding of welfare politics.

<p>The relationship between the Swedish state’s welfare political commitments and the emergence and development of three female-dominated welfare state occupational groups - nurses, home relief helpers and occupational therapists - is at the heart of this thesis. The primary aim is to study the professional possibilities and limitations created by the state’s welfare political commitments in health care, family policy and rehabilitation.</p><p>The thesis emphasises the importance of regarding the state as a historically conditioned actor and as an organisation of organisations. The state is not a unified and static actor and this makes it difficult to speak of the state’s relationship to different welfare occupations in general terms. Nurses, home relief helpers and occupational therapists have encountered the state in different historical contexts and established ties to different parts of the state. Abbott’s (1988) term jurisdiction is used to characterise the area within welfare politics that nurses, home relief helpers and occupational therapists have made claims on or been allotted. The struggle for jurisdiction takes place on three, analytically separate but in reality interconnected arenas. These arenas are the workplace, the media arena and the legal arena. The thesis limits itself to the legal arena, that is, the state’s administrative, planning and legislative structures. At the centre of the analysis of the legal arena are the Swedish Government Commission and the welfare political reform work that to a large degree has been formed by these institutions’ function and work.</p><p>An important conclusion from these three case studies is that the state’s welfare political commitments have been central for the emergence of nurses, home relief helpers and occupational therapists and their development into welfare state occupational groups. The state’s welfare political ambitions have contributed considerably to the transformation of nurse, home relief helpers and occupational therapists into modern occupational groups. Dependency on the state has not always been easy to handle however. The state’s welfare political interests have often contradicted the wishes of the professions regarding the content, length and organisation of training programmes, as well as regarding continuing education and licensing. The state has been unwilling to provide more training than deemed necessary from a welfare political perspective. An important conclusion from this study is that it is difficult for welfare state occupational groups to steer their professional project in a direction that falls outside of the state’s welfare political commitments.</p>

The relationship between the Swedish state’s welfare political commitments and the emergence and development of three female-dominated welfare state occupational groups - nurses, home relief helpers and occupational therapists - is at the heart of this thesis. The primary aim is to study the professional possibilities and limitations created by the state’s welfare political commitments in health care, family policy and rehabilitation. The thesis emphasises the importance of regarding the state as a historically conditioned actor and as an organisation of organisations. The state is not a unified and static actor and this makes it difficult to speak of the state’s relationship to different welfare occupations in general terms. Nurses, home relief helpers and occupational therapists have encountered the state in different historical contexts and established ties to different parts of the state. Abbott’s (1988) term jurisdiction is used to characterise the area within welfare politics that nurses, home relief helpers and occupational therapists have made claims on or been allotted. The struggle for jurisdiction takes place on three, analytically separate but in reality interconnected arenas. These arenas are the workplace, the media arena and the legal arena. The thesis limits itself to the legal arena, that is, the state’s administrative, planning and legislative structures. At the centre of the analysis of the legal arena are the Swedish Government Commission and the welfare political reform work that to a large degree has been formed by these institutions’ function and work. An important conclusion from these three case studies is that the state’s welfare political commitments have been central for the emergence of nurses, home relief helpers and occupational therapists and their development into welfare state occupational groups. The state’s welfare political ambitions have contributed considerably to the transformation of nurse, home relief helpers and occupational therapists into modern occupational groups. Dependency on the state has not always been easy to handle however. The state’s welfare political interests have often contradicted the wishes of the professions regarding the content, length and organisation of training programmes, as well as regarding continuing education and licensing. The state has been unwilling to provide more training than deemed necessary from a welfare political perspective. An important conclusion from this study is that it is difficult for welfare state occupational groups to steer their professional project in a direction that falls outside of the state’s welfare political commitments.

Esta dissertação se volta para a análise da participação e da representação da sociedade civil no controle da Política de Assistência Social, no processo de implementação do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS), tendo como base a experiência do Conselho Estadual de Assistência Social do Rio de Janeiro (CEAS/RJ). Busca-se examinar se o contexto de construção do SUAS abre ou não novas possibilidades ao exercício da participação da sociedade civil. Para isso, acompanhamos a experiência do CEAS/RJ, buscando compreender sua estruturação e funcionamento, no sentido de captar o desempenho institucional dos atores que ocupam assento em seu espaço. Na tentativa de montar o quadro mais amplo possível das condições e dos desafios com que se defronta o Conselho no exercício de sua função pública, nos apoiamos em fontes diversificadas. Foi realizado o estudo de documentos de fonte primária que regulamentam e legitimam o CEAS/RJ como espaço de controle no âmbito da Política de Assistência Social, como a sua Lei de Criação e seu Regimento Interno, foram examinadas as atas das reuniões plenárias do Conselho do ano de 2008 e realizadas entrevistas junto aos conselheiros representantes da sociedade civil. De forma geral, os resultados da pesquisa apontam para a dificuldade de se efetivar a participação no CEAS/RJ. No processo de implementação do SUAS o Conselho em estudo se depara com os dilemas centrais que marcaram até então os espaços institucionalizados de controle social. / The present work consists of analyzing the participation and representation of the civil society on the Social Welfare Politics, on the (SUAS) Sistema Único de Assistência Social s implementation process, based on the experience of the Social Welfare State Council in Rio de Janeiro (CEAS/RJ). The work aims at examining whether the context of SUASs construction opens up new possibilities to the effective participation of the civil society. Therefore, we have followed the experience of the CEAS/RJ, seeking a better understanding of its structure and work, to capture the development of the actors that play roles in its space. As an attempt to present a wider view of the conditions and challenges faced by the Council on the fulfillment of its public duties, we have used diversified sources. A study of primary sources documents which regulate and legitimate the CEAS/RJ as a figure of control of the Social Welfare Politics, as well as, its Law of Creation and Rules of Procedure, was made. The minutes of the Councils plenary sessions in 2008 were examined and interviews with the councilors who represented the civil society conducted. All in all, the researchs results show difficulty to effect the participation on CEAS/RJ. On SUASs implementation process, the Council studied on this work, faces the central dilemmas that have marked institutionalized spaces of social control so far.

Esta dissertação se volta para a análise da participação e da representação da sociedade civil no controle da Política de Assistência Social, no processo de implementação do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS), tendo como base a experiência do Conselho Estadual de Assistência Social do Rio de Janeiro (CEAS/RJ). Busca-se examinar se o contexto de construção do SUAS abre ou não novas possibilidades ao exercício da participação da sociedade civil. Para isso, acompanhamos a experiência do CEAS/RJ, buscando compreender sua estruturação e funcionamento, no sentido de captar o desempenho institucional dos atores que ocupam assento em seu espaço. Na tentativa de montar o quadro mais amplo possível das condições e dos desafios com que se defronta o Conselho no exercício de sua função pública, nos apoiamos em fontes diversificadas. Foi realizado o estudo de documentos de fonte primária que regulamentam e legitimam o CEAS/RJ como espaço de controle no âmbito da Política de Assistência Social, como a sua Lei de Criação e seu Regimento Interno, foram examinadas as atas das reuniões plenárias do Conselho do ano de 2008 e realizadas entrevistas junto aos conselheiros representantes da sociedade civil. De forma geral, os resultados da pesquisa apontam para a dificuldade de se efetivar a participação no CEAS/RJ. No processo de implementação do SUAS o Conselho em estudo se depara com os dilemas centrais que marcaram até então os espaços institucionalizados de controle social. / The present work consists of analyzing the participation and representation of the civil society on the Social Welfare Politics, on the (SUAS) Sistema Único de Assistência Social s implementation process, based on the experience of the Social Welfare State Council in Rio de Janeiro (CEAS/RJ). The work aims at examining whether the context of SUASs construction opens up new possibilities to the effective participation of the civil society. Therefore, we have followed the experience of the CEAS/RJ, seeking a better understanding of its structure and work, to capture the development of the actors that play roles in its space. As an attempt to present a wider view of the conditions and challenges faced by the Council on the fulfillment of its public duties, we have used diversified sources. A study of primary sources documents which regulate and legitimate the CEAS/RJ as a figure of control of the Social Welfare Politics, as well as, its Law of Creation and Rules of Procedure, was made. The minutes of the Councils plenary sessions in 2008 were examined and interviews with the councilors who represented the civil society conducted. All in all, the researchs results show difficulty to effect the participation on CEAS/RJ. On SUASs implementation process, the Council studied on this work, faces the central dilemmas that have marked institutionalized spaces of social control so far.