This dissertation takes a three-article approach in which the literature from public administration, political psychology and sociology is synthesized around student veterans as a new phenomenon in higher education and public policy. By examining student veterans through the Social Construction of Target Populations (SCTP) framework, these articles contribute to the theoretical understanding of how social identity at the group and individual levels impact a target population's understanding of and reaction to a policy that does not always align with the policy-makers' intent. Because the current SCTP literature has focused on how policy-makers construct target populations and the practices they use to mitigate any negative effects of policy feedback, these articles offer a new perspective by applying symbolic interactionism as a method for capturing the two-way interaction between the target population and the policy's intent. The articles focus on the policy feedback mechanism in the SCTP framework to explain why and how policies shape the identities of target populations, and how they in turn, engage in the policy process by first presenting student veterans as a new social concept, then presenting a case study of how an organization that represents student veterans achieved policy change, and finally, interviewing veterans, revealing that their individual interpretation of the policy is not always representative of the student veteran identity as constructed by policy-makers and advocates. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation takes a three-article approach to understanding how and why student veterans are different from other veterans based upon the latest policy changes to expand educational benefits available through the G.I. Bill. The first article describes what policy-makers and veterans’ organizations claim a student veterans is – a Post 9/11 veteran pursuing higher education that will lead to a career or fulfill the needs of 21st Century jobs. The second article presents a case-study of how an organization that represents student veterans was able to engage in the policy-making process and succeed in achieving policy changes that resulted in the Harry W. Colmery Veterans Educational Assistance Act of 2017, also known as the Forever G.I. Bill. The third article focuses on the factors influencing veterans’ decision-making process about when and how to use their educational benefits based on how they understand and interpret the policy. All three articles provide a new perspective on the ways in which policy-makers and advocacy groups can create a new social identity group, such as student veterans, and design and implement policies based on the assumptions these policy actors have about the group. However, at the individual level, student veterans might not always behave in the way policy-makers expect them to, causing student veterans to use or not use their educational benefits based on their perceptions of what the Post 9/11 G.I. Bill means to them.

The thesis deals with setting of a system of social housing in the municipalities of the Czech Republic. It is based in particular on the Concept of Social Housing of the Czech Republic 2015-2025, as the legislation on social housing in the Czech Republic has not yet been approved by the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic. The system is very fragmented for the above reason, there is no consensus in the definition, not even in determining to whom and under what conditions social housing should be allocated. The thesis builds on Schneider and Ingram public policy theory, the theory of social construction of target populations ("TSKCP"). The two main concepts of TSCTP - target population and policy design are the optics and subject of analysis. The most important research activity could be described as an analysis of the availability of social housing in 2nd level municipalities, which was implemented in the form of survey of 388 municipal webpages in order to find out the mention and methodology of providing social housing. Additional interviews with social and housing commissioners took place within one region of the Czech Republic, where we can presume similar socio-economic conditions, but due to anonymity, it cannot be specified more precisely. From the methodological...

Social marginalization and isolation of target populations are growing areas of concern for policy administrators. African American Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (AA LGBT) individuals are not permitted full political, economic, or moral citizenship and thus are in society but not completely of it. Legislation such as North Carolina's House Bill 2 (HB2) has the potential to dissolve the social contract connecting life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness at the microlevel. The emerging U.S. trend of moving societally from universal access in microlevel institutions toward more market-based strategies poses a formidable challenge for this target population. The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to understand the impact of substantive public policy such as HB2 on the lived experiences of AA LGBT community members at the microlevel in North Carolina in order to provide positive social change via public policy and administration. The theoretical basis for this study was Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory with emphasis placed on the impact of HB2 at the microlevel. Data were gathered from 10 telephone interviews with members of the AA LGBT community who were 18-30 years of age. Data from the study were deductively coded and subjected to a thematic analysis procedure. Findings indicate that substantive policy has a considerable impact on minority target populations. Consequently, this study will assist in raising awareness amongst policymakers regarding the lived experiences of racial and sexual minorities because of public policy and contribute to the overall understanding of the spillover effects of substantive law regarding the lived experiences of minority target populations.

Radicalization and recruitment of young Kenyan males into homegrown terrorism has persisted since November 2011 following the decision by the government to send Kenya Defense Forces to fight al Shabaab terrorist groups in Somalia. Using Schneider and Ingram's conceptualization of social construction of target populations as a guide, the purpose of this multicase study was to explore the motivation of young Kenyan males in accepting radicalization and recruitment into homegrown terrorism and their interpretations, feelings, and perceptions of the policies and strategies in place to empower them. Using a purposeful sampling with a maximum variation strategy, data were collected through interviews with 34 young Kenyan males, 4 of whom were connected to 4 terrorism incidents in Kenya since 2011. Additional data were collected through publicly available data and policy statements. All data were inductively coded and subjected to a thematic analysis procedure and cross-case analysis. Findings indicated that young Kenyan males are enticed with financial offers by al Shabaab, and faced social problems that needed solutions, and participants believe the government of Kenya should better protect them from al Shabaab maneuvers. Implications for social change include recommendations for reform of youth policies and programs by the Ministry of Youth Affairs, and implementation of the recommendations of this study so that youth can be properly engaged in nation-building activities.

This thesis tests a new theory about the role that public perceptions on target populations play in designing homeless policies - as demonstrated through the Homeless Policy Design Model. The theory and model present an expansion of theories on the target populations and policy design from Lowi (1972), Ingram, Schneider and Deleon (2007); and Schneider and Ingram (1993). The model is tested through a case study of homeless policy in Seattle, WA from 2007 to 2016 and the correlating perceptions of the homeless generated through the rhetoric of the political elite and the general public. The homeless policy design model indicates that the public's perceptions about homeless target populations will impact policy design choices. Through qualitative research methods, the thesis finds that there is a recognizable correlation between how the public views the homeless and what type of policy the Seattle City Council passed from 2007 to 2016.

This dissertation consists of three empirical studies that address questions regarding state welfare policy making in the post-welfare reform era. The first empirical study pays close attention to the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) as a federal block grant program, which is a big departure from most previous TANF studies, to ask why American states differ in their decisions to allocate federal block grants across specific programs. Drawing on research on fiscal federalism and state and cross-national welfare politics, the study uses cross-sectional time-series data covering 50 states over the fiscal years 2004-2016 to examine factors that have an impact on state child care spending under the TANF block grant. The results show that several political factors and one socio-economic factor impact states’ TANF child care spending in the hypothesized direction. Most importantly, the study finds that a specific state government’s TANF policy designed to encourage work matters in an interesting way. States’ emphasis on work of TANF recipients, measured by the existence of the TANF job-search rule, exerts a positive, independent effect on the percentage of state TANF child care spending, but the positive marginal effect of implementing the job-search rule becomes negative as the percentage of female state legislators passes 28%. The study shed lights on our general understanding of the factors that influence state allocations of federal block grants for an understudied but increasingly important policy program in the American states—child care. The second empirical study examines whether the selection of indicators of welfare policy commitment makes any difference for the findings in studies of the determinants of state welfare policy. If so, what difference does it make? While scholars of state welfare politics have long been making efforts to find better explanations for variation in welfare policy across American states, the literature as a whole has paid little attention to how differently scholars operationalize state welfare policy even though they examine a variety of welfare policy measures. To address these questions, I estimate a series of different panel data models with different measures of state welfare commitment for the period after the welfare reform of 1996. Comparing the results across these models shows that the choice of dependent variable measures affects the estimation results, thereby suggesting that empirical findings are dependent upon the measure we use. This finding not only shows that scholars need to be cautious in interpreting their results but also opens up a new puzzle as to why a factor affects a particular welfare measure but not others. The last empirical study addresses the question: do the effects of party politics differ across welfare policies? In answering this question, the study draws on the literature on deservingness and social construction of target populations and hypothesizes that party politics would play a differential role in explaining the generosity of different welfare policies depending on the perceived deservingness of target populations. To test this hypothesis, I estimate three models each for TANF, Supplemental Security Income-State Supplements (SSI-S), and Medicaid generosity covering the period after the welfare reform. I find that party politics still remains as an important predictor of state welfare generosity, especially where welfare policy for the deserving poor and mixed population in terms of its deservingness is concerned. Also, there are differential effects of party politics across the welfare policies examined, but sometimes in an unexpected direction. This study provides a valuable addition to the literature in that it updates and enriches our understanding of welfare politics.

The master thesis is focused on policy design identification in relation to trans people in the Czech Republic in the time period 2012 - 2020. The work uses the theory of Social Construction of Target Population (TSKCP) written by authors Schneider and Ingram. The goal of this paper is to describe three main elements of TSKCP: content of public policy, political power of the target population and its social construction. Based on this, the paper aims to classify the target group of trans people according to the typology of the theory used. For the purpose of this paper, five interviews with respondents were conducted and especially statements of experts as well as analysis of public policy documents are the key parts for answering the research question. Next, analysis of more than seventy online articles related to the examined population within the given time frame was conducted, thanks to which the question of how trans people are constructed in the Czech internet media was answered. There were two main kategories as an outcome of this analysis, including a more detailed explanation. The work also brings in its results the identification of benefits and burdens that arise for the examined target population from the legislative setting.

The aim of this paper is to explain the policy process of regional social service development strategies in the area of services for drug users. The process is explained on examination of two cases of very diverse regional strategies representing good and bad practice. Social construction of target populations is used as a theoretical framework and the research aims to verify and develop its theoretical assumptions. Subjective perceptions of key actors are deconstructed through public document analysis and in- depth interviews. Service providers are perceived as a trustworthy and competent policy actor and as such they play an important role in the development of medium-term strategy. The prevailing positive construction of drug users by providers and the strong position of service providers contribute to broad distribution of services for drug users in both examined regions. The main difference between the cases is explained by different perception of drug users by the public, different continuity of planning processes, and variance in the dynamic relationship between public opinion and key public policy makers.

The aim of this paper is to explain the policy process of regional social service development strategies in the area of services for drug users. The process is explained on examination of two cases of very diverse regional strategies representing good and bad practice. Social construction of target populations is used as a theoretical framework and the research aims to verify and develop its theoretical assumptions. Subjective perceptions of key actors are deconstructed through public document analysis and in- depth interviews. Service providers are perceived as a trustworthy and competent policy actor and as such they play an important role in the development of medium-term strategy. The prevailing positive construction of drug users by providers and the strong position of service providers contribute to broad distribution of services for drug users in both examined regions. The main difference between the cases is explained by different perception of drug users by the public, different continuity of planning processes, and variance in the dynamic relationship between public opinion and key public policy makers.

L’ouverture du secteur audiovisuel camerounais a consacré l’avancée du processus d’acquisition et de l’octroi des libertés individuelles commencé autour des années 1990. Le décret d’application d’avril 2003 a entériné une dizaine d’années plus tard, le dispositif enclenché par la loi n°90-052 du 19 décembre 1990 relative à la liberté de communication sociale. Depuis lors, organes de presse et audiovisuels se côtoient et se heurtent à des pesanteurs susceptibles de limiter leur efficacité, en tant qu’outils et moyens de communication de proximité. Leur jeunesse, les problèmes endogènes et exogènes au paysage médiatique camerounais justifierait une étude sur l’existence et la manière dont les organes de communication sociale produisent et diffusent informations et nouvelles en direction des populations ciblées. A ce sujet, la radio communautaire, tout en cherchant à les impliquer et à les faire participer à cet objectif de communication sociale, promeut par ses programmes, la propre image des populations à laquelle elle est destinée. Il ne reste qu’à garantir les modalités pratiques, les conditions nécessaires pour une participation transparente des différents acteurs à la gestion et au fonctionnement de la radio. Pour une grande part, les populations sont prêtes à soutenir les projets de radios communautaires qui s’installent dans les localités. Les différentes techniques d’appropriation et d’usage des médias permettent d’appréhender de l’extérieur les différents enjeux qui se tissent. Elles permettent d’observer les pratiques mises en place et les conditions d’engagement des acteurs sociaux pour garantir, une longue vie à la radio. / The opening of the Cameroonian audiovisual sector dedicated the overhang of the process of acquisition and the granting of the personal freedoms begun around 1990s. The application decree of April, 2003 confirmed a decade later, the plan engaged by the law 90/052 of December 19th, 1990 relative to the freedom of social communication. Since then, newspapers and broadcasting mix and come up against gravities susceptible to limit their efficiency, as tools and means of communication of nearness. Their youth, the endogenous and exogenous problems in the Cameroonian media landscape justify a study on the existence and the way the organs of social communication produce and broadcast information and news in the direction of the targeted populations. For this subject, the community radio, while trying to imply them and to make them participate in this objective of social communication, promotes by its programs, the own image of the populations for which is intended. It remains only to guarantee the practical methods, the necessary conditions for a transparent participation of the various actors in the management and in the functioning of the radio. Mostly, the populations are ready of supporting the projects of community radios which settle down in villages. The various techniques of appropriation and uses of the media allow dreading from the outside the various stakes which weave. They allow observing the organized practices and the conditions of commitment of the civil society to guarantee, a long life on the radio.