Over the past 5 years, a number of U.S. citizens residing in Minneapolis have been reported to have been recruited and radicalized by Al-Shabaab, organization that has played a role in major international terrorist attacks. This, in turn, creates a significant concern related to national security in the United States. Using Hirsch's social bond theory and Merton's theory of relative depravation, the purpose of this hermeneutic phenomenological study was to explore the factors that motivate radicalization of young males aged 18 to 25 in Minneapolis. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with 6 Somali American adults between the ages of 18 to 25 years old and 6 Somali American community leaders. Data were coded using Posteriori word coding and analyzed using a thematic analysis procedure. Findings indicated participants perceive that social inequality among American Somali participants contributes to motivation to radicalize. Similarly, the level of attachment and commitment to family and other social units the participants experienced played a role in the decision to radicalize or not. To deter this phenomenon, recommendations to the United States government include developing empowerment programs to provide educational and employment opportunities to American Somali communities. Both groups suggested in using media to help effect positive social change through unbiased news reporting, which does not aggravate the sense of social injustice against Muslims. By creating programs or educational campaigns against terrorism, the media can be used to educate young Somali Americans.

abstract: Islamist groups in Somalia define themselves by their opposition. From the pre-Islamist movement of Mohammed Hassan in the nineteenth century to al-Itihaad al-Islaami in the twentieth to al-Shabaab in the twenty-first, Islamism exists as a form of resistance against the dominant power of the era. Furthermore these Islamist groups have all been influenced by the type of state in which they exist, be it colonial, independent, or failed. This work seeks to examine the relationship between the uniquely Somali form of Islamism and the state. Through use of historical records, modern media, and existing scholarship this dissertation will chart the development of Islamism in Somalia from the colonial period to the present and explore the relationship Somali Islamism has with various forms of state. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Religious Studies 2013

No description available.

Radicalization and recruitment of young Kenyan males into homegrown terrorism has persisted since November 2011 following the decision by the government to send Kenya Defense Forces to fight al Shabaab terrorist groups in Somalia. Using Schneider and Ingram's conceptualization of social construction of target populations as a guide, the purpose of this multicase study was to explore the motivation of young Kenyan males in accepting radicalization and recruitment into homegrown terrorism and their interpretations, feelings, and perceptions of the policies and strategies in place to empower them. Using a purposeful sampling with a maximum variation strategy, data were collected through interviews with 34 young Kenyan males, 4 of whom were connected to 4 terrorism incidents in Kenya since 2011. Additional data were collected through publicly available data and policy statements. All data were inductively coded and subjected to a thematic analysis procedure and cross-case analysis. Findings indicated that young Kenyan males are enticed with financial offers by al Shabaab, and faced social problems that needed solutions, and participants believe the government of Kenya should better protect them from al Shabaab maneuvers. Implications for social change include recommendations for reform of youth policies and programs by the Ministry of Youth Affairs, and implementation of the recommendations of this study so that youth can be properly engaged in nation-building activities.

A history of fragility and conflicts in Somalia has had severe impact on the security of citizens, most notably children. Different non-state actors and armed militias have appeared in Somalia’s timeline impacting the region’s, neighboring and global security. The prevalence of child soldiers in Somalia is alarming and so is the presence of armed groups that regularly recruit them. This paper focuses on studying the causes of child recruitment from a human security lens, examining the impact of fragility in Somalia and the ways by which one particular group; al- Shabaab exploits the fragile environment to recruit children. Qualitative data from different online sources is analyzed indicating that the instability in Somalia and the recruitment of children remain closely interlinked, and human security and development in the region are compromised by corruption, poor governance, societal division, ongoing conflicts and displacement.

In recent years there has been a growing interest in and a number of studies sensitive to the relationships between gender and conflict, including gender and violent extremism. While much attention, both in the media and scientifically, has been given to individuals directly connected to violent extremist groups, less attention has been focused on their families. This study aims to fill in the empirical gap in how violent extremism impacts family members of people associated with violent extremist organisations. The research is particularly concerned with women who became widows due to their husbands’ engagement in a violent extremist group. By utilising the biographical narratives of the widows in Kwale County in Kenya, the study seeks to broaden an understanding of the impact of violent extremism on widows whose husbands chose to join the violent extremist group al-Shabaab, with its main stronghold in Somalia. The study focuses on four impact areas: economic, physical and emotional, socio- cultural, as well as ideological impact. Moreover, based on theoretical approaches, the study discusses a widespread assumption of women as preventive forces for violent extremism in the context of Kwale County, as well as women’s empowerment measures vital for widows in the region. The results reveal that the most tangible impacts on the widows are economic, physical and emotional, with a wide range of severe consequences for both the widows and their children. Additionally, socio-cultural impact plays an immense role for the widows living situation. The study does not reveal any findings which may suggest that the widows have been impacted ideologically by their husbands in the same way. Subsequently, the study questions the assumption of women as best placed to prevent violent extremism within the domestic sphere in the context of Kwale county. Furthermore, it focuses attention on the importance of economic, educational and religious empowerment of women in the region.

State failure impacts international relations through the spill-over effects it has beyond the failed state. The international response to state failure: The case of Somalia attempts to answer the research question "Is the international response to the failed Somalia more concerned with security (i.e. the fight against terrorism and piracy) than with nation building/democratization or humanitarian aid (refugees, poverty)? This question is answered through descriptive-analytical research approach using the Neo-Realist theory within a globalised world. Concepts of legitimacy, authority and sovereignty in relation to the international response are explored where response takes the form of Intervention and humanitarian intervention that could be informed by the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) or go as far as nation building. Various annually published indices that examine and rank failed states are analysed which collectively and independently indicate that Somalia has been the number one failed state since 2008. Historically, the international response to Somalia prior to state collapse in 1991 forms the foundation to the response as well as accounting for the importance of complex internal clan politics. The background to how the international response has been, plays a key role in understanding where the international response‘s motives are positioned on scale of humanitarian versus security motives for intervention. The regional dynamics are explained through the Regional Security Complex (RSC). The security power political motives are seen through Anti-terror motives in a post 9/11 world and the various international responses to the different forms of attempts of interim governments and their opposition movements. Most notably, Al Shabaab, who formally merged with Al Qaeda in 2012, has been a focus point for the international response. The African Union (AU) mission in Somalia AMISOM is analysed from its humble beginnings to a force to be reckoned with. Due to the failure in Somalia for over 20 years, 14 per cent of its population form part of the influential Diaspora group. State building has emerged as one of the major international responses to state failure with the motive of avoiding nationwide humanitarian crisis. Yet the inaction of the past decade has lead to large spread famine in 2011. The security motive of regional and international players has overshadowed a pure humanitarian response in the past but the immensity of the crisis in 2011 has lead to a global humanitarian response. A new window of opportunity has presented itself with the appointment of the new president of the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) in September 2012. The international response to state failure has placed security first and has acted accordingly to limit the international economic and security effects of piracy, terrorism and refugee flows. Nation building has come second although, there have been attempts at achieving a uniform response to the failure in Somalia, neo realist real politik reigns. The ideal of a golden mean, where a balance is achieved between security and humanitarian motives, could only be achieved if Somalia starts addressing its internal issues that have caused and resulted from the failure, which is far from straightforward. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

explains the reasons behind Boko Haram's unconventional tactic of kidnapping uses abductees as 'human bombs' Boko Haram's unconventional Kidnapping for at Boko Haram's martyrdom concept must have failed Overall, this dissertation concludes that Boko Haram's Kidnapping

This study aims to critically understand the involvement of external actors, most notably Kenya and Ethiopia in the Somali conflict. It also aims to discuss peace prospect for Somalia in consideration with regional interest. Adopting Mary Kaldor’s “New War” theory that explains the changing context and transnational character of wars in the new era, and Michael E. Brown’s concept of causes and Regional Dimensions of Internal Conflict in combination with applied peace and conflict research method, the study finds that the involvement of neighbouring states, particularly Kenya and Ethiopia, in the Somali conflict is necessitated by the “spill-over” effect of the internal conflict coupled with transnational threats posed to their national security by various local and international actors. Furthermore, the study reveals that Somalia’s conflict hosts a variety of politically, religiously and militarily motivated external actors, who also openly vowed to internationalize their activities. As a result, the connections between local actors in Somalia and terrorist groups operating elsewhere, but cooperating with them, have become a source of continuous instability to Somalia, the eastern African region and beyond. This situation makes an international action imperative as the prospect for peace in Somalia is still in place. Thus, in order to to end wars and create a durable peace in Somalia, this study suggests Michael E. Brown’s ‘co-optation’ and ‘neutralization’ strategies along with an extensive international efforts including humanitarian assistance and local institutions building, which may help to restore peace, rule of law and ensure long term stability in Somalia.

Al-Shabaab et Al Qaida au Maghreb Islamique illustrent le fonctionnement du djihad contemporain. Nés dans des contextes de guerre civile, issus de la dislocation de mouvements djihadistes d'envergure nationale, ces deux groupes sont aujourd'hui les seuls en Afrique dont l'allégeance a été acceptée par à Al Qaida. Forgés dans le terreau de luttes nationales, les deux groupes ont exploité les clivages et les revendications sociales, économiques et politiques des populations dans leur quête de puissance. Confrontés à des difficultés d'ordre sécuritaire et politique, ils se sont tournés vers Al Qaida, dans l'espoir d'acquérir une stature internationale, et d'attirer ainsi les recrues et financements qui leur faisaient défaut. De son côté, affaiblie par la guerre contre le terrorisme, l'Organisation d'Oussama Ben Laden a accepté les allégeances africaines par opportunisme, accordant à ces groupes le statut de franchises. De l'autre côté de l'échiquier, les stratégies déployées par les États et des organisations internationales peinent à porter leurs fruits. En cause, des divergences idéologiques, et les interférences des intérêts particuliers des acteurs qui minent les efforts de lutte contre les extrémistes mais font finalement le jeu de la propagande terroriste. / Al Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb and Al-Shabaab perfectly illustrate the functioning of contemporary jihad. Born into a context of civil war, from the fall out of national jihadist movements, these two groups are, today, the only ones in Africa whose allegiance have been acknowledged by Al Qaida. Seizing on domestic political and economic struggles, the two groups rose to prominence through social fault lines and equality claims. Facing security and political stalemates, they made allegiance to Al Qaida hoping that international recognition would provide them with the wherewithal and recruits they lacked. The allegiances were opportunistically acknowledged by Al Qaida when Bin Laden's organization was severely weakened by years of war on terror.On the other side of the game, due to a set of divergent ideologies and particular interests, States and international organizations are deploying cacophonous strategies, that not only have poor effect on the ground, but also fit well with the jihadist propaganda. The tale of a foretold fiasco.