Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) programs and policies are being developed and implemented across the country. CVE is being criticized by various community leaders and members due to its inherent criminalizing nature as it is currently put into place by the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). By exploring the various meanings of community in a multicultural community, various processes and practices can come to be analyzed as ways to prevent violent extremism without oversight from the DOJ and the DHS. Metro Detroit is a multicultural community that experiences statistically low levels of radicalization of community members who legitimize violent extremism. Even such cases can be delegitimized when considering the circumstances in which they exist. When examining the community cohesion that exists in Metro Detroit through various organizations, especially interfaith organizations, it becomes apparent that there is a strong attempt to create a cohesive community. The argument is not that community cohesion automatically leads to the absence of violent extremism, but that community cohesion builds relationships and practices so that potential causes for violent extremism can be addressed, lessened or diminished. It is suggested that the support of strengthening community cohesion in terms of CVE be dismantled from the DHS and the DOJ. Restructuring would best be supported as a joint effort between the Department of Education, the Department of Health and Human Services, and the Department of Housing and Urban Development, all of which are better equipped to deal with the causes of violent extremism. / Master of Arts

This thesis argues that a peace-oriented struggle has emerged in Peshawar from within the non–state space and is demonstrated at the empirical level by various associations in that space. The struggle to embrace peace and reject different forms of violence, by this associational life in Peshawar is what we call an ‘emergent civil society’. The thesis argues against those who claim that civil society cannot exist or flourish in a non-western environment. Civil Society in Peshawar is emergent, as the empirical evidence suggests, but within an overarching tendency to root this in a local cultural identity. The latter is, however, imbued with values, belief systems, and gender roles, which limit the search for peace. Two examples are the dominance of a hyper masculinity and religious orthodoxies, which undermine forms of associationalism which might promote peace. To find an indigenous cultural identity, the ‘emergent civil society’ navigates, not without tensions, across three different worldviews that includes cultural (Pakhtunwali), religious (Islam) and, to a certain extent, liberal (human rights) perspectives. The tensions between different perspectives become more frictional when the ‘emergent civil society’ advocates women’s rights and religious pluralism, which is resisted by the antithetical forces of masculinity and religious orthodoxies. Amidst these contestations, the ‘emergent civil society’, while resisting these antithetical forces, pressurizes the state also to provide favourable conditions to continue its peace-oriented struggle. This thesis, however, suggests that the ‘emergent civil society’ also needs an in-ward looking tendency to self reflect on certain challenges that seem to impact the potential for growth and development of an associational life, which can fully embrace the social conditions for peace.

This study focuses on the ontological and epistemological assumptions within the construction of expert knowledge regarding violent Islamic extremism in Sweden. Setting out from the academic field of critical terrorism studies, previous research highlights how following the 2001 attacks against the United States (9/11) Islam and terrorism have been presented as codependent. In this thesis I argue that in a Swedish context two overarching themes have been constructed by Swedish experts regarding violent Islamic extremists in Sweden, that of the passive victim, who is susceptible to the particular nature of their environment which is tainted by ‘alienation’, ‘segregation’, along with extremist influences; and the active threat, who is ‘anti - democratic‘, ‘manipulative’, and ‘violent’. In order to analyze the discursive constructs of the experts I have strategically selected reports from four Swedish centers of expertise and thereafter analyzed the reports through a theoretical and methodological framework based upon Michel Foucault’s (1972) discourse analysis. I argue that by applying Foucault’s discourse analysis to the reports it is possible to see how the experts do construct a connection between Islam and Muslims to violent extremism and terrorism by ascribing a particular notion of vulnerability amongst the perceived group in regards to their susceptibility to radicalization and violent extremism. In turn, exceptionally associating violent extremism and terrorism with Islam and Muslims. More so, I argue that the experts derive their legitimacy from the Swedish government and from internal and external confirmation and are as such part of a limited epistemological community. Therefore, the Swedish government acts not only as delimiters of the emergence of experts within the field, but also in the discursive rule formation of what is deemed as related to the field of terrorism studies and what is not.

Thesis advisor: Jonathan Laurence / In the decade following the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States, global focus has shifted towards analyzing how to combat terrorism. "Countering Violent Extremism" policies, or CVE, emerged as a means to combat the growing threat of extremist attacks against Western and Western-backed governments around the world. CVE promotes the use of deradicalization and integration techniques to develop trust in communities considered "at-risk" of becoming radicalized and executing extremist attacks. Problematically, CVE policies have been adopted and adored without having been scrutinized. I consider three historical cases of policies very similar to CVE, in France, Great Britain, and the United States, and analyze how CVE may distract from a concerning trend towards immigration, law enforcement, and military action instead of meaningful engagement. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2017. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Politicaql Science.

Since 2014, the National Coordinator has been responsible for protecting our democracy against violent extremism in Sweden. Today, it is clear that the preventive aspect against violent extremism and radicalization cannot be adjusted only to law enforcement. On a national level, the Government has implemented a strategy against terrorism and an action plan to increase the strength of our democracy towards the threat of violent extremism. Every municipality is participating in the national work and network against violent extremism. As a part of the national action plan, the municipalities’ employees, local police, and civil society have the best opportunity to prevent violent extremism. Many municipalities have adopted a plan of actions on a local level, and the employment of local coordinators has increased. However, many of them still have much work left with the implementations, and some have not even started. This case study aims to examine how two different municipalities in Kalmar county are operating with the recommendations from the national level and how they work to prevent radicalization and violent extremism. One of the chosen municipalities has, at this moment, publicly presented a plan of action on how and which institutions should work to prevent violent extremists and the second have not. I will use the following research questions, to study how these municipalities are operating with the recommendations from a national level concerning radicalization and violent extremism. • How do the municipalities implement the strategies and policies on the prevention of radicalization and violent extremism put forward by the Swedish Government? • How do the institutions in the municipalities work with, and how do they assess their work on the prevention of radicalization and violent extremism? To reach a result and understanding of my research questions, a methodology containing an abductive case study with semi-structured interviews was made to collect current and primary information. The findings indicate that collaboration between actors in the municipalities is vital in order to strengthen the democracy and the democratic values that protect our society from violent extremism and radicalization.

This thesis argues that a peace-oriented struggle has emerged in Peshawar from within the non–state space and is demonstrated at the empirical level by various associations in that space. The struggle to embrace peace and reject different forms of violence, by this associational life in Peshawar is what we call an ‘emergent civil society’. The thesis argues against those who claim that civil society cannot exist or flourish in a non-western environment. Civil Society in Peshawar is emergent, as the empirical evidence suggests, but within an overarching tendency to root this in a local cultural identity. The latter is, however, imbued with values, belief systems, and gender roles, which limit the search for peace. Two examples are the dominance of a hyper masculinity and religious orthodoxies, which undermine forms of associationalism which might promote peace. To find an indigenous cultural identity, the ‘emergent civil society’ navigates, not without tensions, across three different worldviews that includes cultural (Pakhtunwali), religious (Islam) and, to a certain extent, liberal (human rights) perspectives. The tensions between different perspectives become more frictional when the ‘emergent civil society’ advocates women’s rights and religious pluralism, which is resisted by the antithetical forces of masculinity and religious orthodoxies. Amidst these contestations, the ‘emergent civil society’, while resisting these antithetical forces, pressurizes the state also to provide favourable conditions to continue its peace-oriented struggle. This thesis, however, suggests that the ‘emergent civil society’ also needs an in-ward looking tendency to self reflect on certain challenges that seem to impact the potential for growth and development of an associational life, which can fully embrace the social conditions for peace.

Author: Giorgi Kaishauri Study programme: International Security Studies Master's thesis: EU-wide CVE Programs: Exploring the Gap between Theory and Practice Abstract The aim of this research was to determine congruence between the EU-initiated P/CVE program, CT MORSE, and prominent theoretical and empirical insights present in the academic literature on P/CVE. This research presents an exploratory qualitative study which employs a deductive approach to explore a potential gap between counter-radicalization theory and counter- radicalization practice as observed in a major EU project. The data collected and analyzed in this research suggests a partial correlation between academic insights and project's activities. Three out of eight determinants of effective P/CVE strategy discussed in the literature - community engagement, community resilience, and the role of women, are fully accounted for by the project, while the other three - dialogue, identity formation, and personnel expertise are partially present in the form of their constituting elements. Individual resilience and inclusion of former radicals receive neither implicit, nor explicit focus in the project's undertakings across the globe. Moreover, the data suggests that existing congruence is not completely arbitrary, however, a substantially deeper...

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / The problem of violent extremism is approaching a critical point in America. American government and community leaders must find an effective approach to deterring violent extremism immediately. A national and comprehensive approach to deter violent extremism in America is currently lacking. This comparative policy perspective seeks to determine whether the United Kingdom and Australia have good practices to deter violent extremism that can be useful in America. Secondly, this thesis also seeks to determine whether the United States can implement potential good practices to deter violent extremism. After a thorough review of the issue of violent extremism in America, this thesis studies similar background, research, and violent extremism issues in the United Kingdom and Australia. This thesis concludes that a variety of good practices in the United Kingdom and Australia can counter radicalize and deter violent extremists in America. The findings and recommendations from this research include challenges and a way forward to implement certain potential best practices for the United States. The arguments offer viable options and alternatives that the United States should consider when creating a national deterring-violent-extremism strategy. The details and information regarding understanding and implementing good practices to deter violent extremism in America are contained in this thesis. / Major, New York Army National Guard, Latham, New York

Arbetet behandlar frågor rörande hur olika politiska subjekt ställs i ett dikotomt förhållande till varandra genom diskursiva praktiker. Meningsmotståndare tänks utmana varandras olika samhällsvisioner inom ett politiskt rum som utgörs av den demokratiska processen. Detta rum kan artikuleras genom olika politiska styrningsformer, exempelvis konsensuspolitik eller agonism. Oavsett form tänks samhällsordningen och dess politiska styrelseform med tiden etableras genom dess allmänna acceptans som underbyggs av dess legitimitet och acceptans av samhället i stort. Denna cementering kännetecknas av begreppet hegemoni. Studien utgår till stor del utifrån Chantal Mouffes tankar om det politiska som något som kräver ett konfliktelement för att driva samhällsutvecklingen framåt. Således ses konsensuspolitik som något som i längden skadar den demokratiska processen och det demokratiska samhället. Genom ett diskursanalytiskt tillvägagångssätt tolkas våldsbejakande extremism som ett fenomen utpekat av och genom samhällets hegemoniska ordning. Våldsbejakande extremism är således de krafter som bjuder den hegemoniska ordningen motstånd genom att presentera alternativa samhällsvisioner. När motstånd och förändringsmöjligheter inte upplevs kunna föras genom de etablerade demokratiska strukturerna riskerar de utlöpa i våldsamma sammandrabbningar, ofta betecknade våldsbejakande extremism. Således undersöker studien hur dessa olika krafter möts inom det politiska rummet och bjuder varandra motstånd. Det teoretiska ramverket konkretiseras genom det empiriska underlaget i form av intervjuer och rapporter.

Abstract [en] On 27 April 2017 Sweden was struck by an Islamic terrorist attack which with various terrorist attacks in Europe, lead to increased Islamophobia and far-right populism in the country. This has seemingly led to Swedes becoming more prone to believe Islamophobic conspiracy theories. Such as the notion that Muslims are terrorists and Islam a violent religion from which terrorism springs to life. This twisted perception and further Islamophobia can lead to Muslims being perceived as a potential threat, due to being associated with terrorism. Since radicalization has been linked to social alienation and discrimination, the concern regarding increased Islamophobia in Sweden and what consequences it has on radicalization among Muslims in Sweden is warranted. Islamophobia is a form of discrimination against Muslims, but research regarding radicalization has not fully integrated the concept of Islamophobia with Islamic terrorism and its radicalization. This despite the increase of global Islamophobia and the witnessed increase of Islamic terrorism in forms of [Western] foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs), as well as home-grown cells and planned lone wolf attacks in recent years, which all indicate a potential increase in Islamic radicalization. As Islamophobia, far-right populism and extremist sentiments are growing in Sweden, this thesis presents a desk study through a qualitative text analysis, to investigate how the current climate and development affects Muslims in Sweden, and whether they are excluded as a result to presumably enhance national security. This is done through an abductive approach with an analytical framework focused on radicalization processes and the perspectives of inclusion and exclusion. The potential correlation between Islamophobia and radicalization among Muslims, where Sweden is used as an example to exemplify the consequences of Islamophobia regarding Islamic radicalization and security through exclusion contra development through inclusion is presented in this desk study.