This thesis considers how statistics about adult literacy have produced a new transnational norm of what it means to “be literate” and asks what has been produced by demarcating a calculable threshold of capable literate conduct. Analyzing literacy as a form of conduct enables investigation of the political dimensions of governmental interest in literate conduct and consideration of what subjects, relationships and forms of power are produced by various problematizations. Genealogical analysis of the currently dominant governing rationality, what is termed the psychometrological regime, revealed that Level Three of the International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS) has been constructed as a threshold between people who can act as autonomous, entrepreneurial subjects and those who cannot. In the case of Ontario, this threshold becomes an indicator of “employability” and produces a singular and problematic population who are subjected to coercive educational interventions. Tactics and techniques in the province’s Literacy and Basic Skills (LBS) policy construct literacy programs as sites responsible for transforming subjects below the threshold into human capital assets; this represents a significant departure from the original mission of community-based agencies. Data from interviews with educators in these programs indicate that adult literacy workers occupy an uneasy position between the demands of policy, their pastoral relationships with learners, and the complex realities faced by adults who struggle with print. While these educators may choose to disobey some policy imperatives they nonetheless act, at times unwittingly, as agents of governance. By highlighting the impossibilities produced by the neoliberal problematization of literacy, and the negotiations that literacy workers perform in the face of such dilemmas, this research contributes to thinking through how to transform coercive and authoritarian tendencies currently governing literate conduct.

This thesis considers how statistics about adult literacy have produced a new transnational norm of what it means to “be literate” and asks what has been produced by demarcating a calculable threshold of capable literate conduct. Analyzing literacy as a form of conduct enables investigation of the political dimensions of governmental interest in literate conduct and consideration of what subjects, relationships and forms of power are produced by various problematizations. Genealogical analysis of the currently dominant governing rationality, what is termed the psychometrological regime, revealed that Level Three of the International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS) has been constructed as a threshold between people who can act as autonomous, entrepreneurial subjects and those who cannot. In the case of Ontario, this threshold becomes an indicator of “employability” and produces a singular and problematic population who are subjected to coercive educational interventions. Tactics and techniques in the province’s Literacy and Basic Skills (LBS) policy construct literacy programs as sites responsible for transforming subjects below the threshold into human capital assets; this represents a significant departure from the original mission of community-based agencies. Data from interviews with educators in these programs indicate that adult literacy workers occupy an uneasy position between the demands of policy, their pastoral relationships with learners, and the complex realities faced by adults who struggle with print. While these educators may choose to disobey some policy imperatives they nonetheless act, at times unwittingly, as agents of governance. By highlighting the impossibilities produced by the neoliberal problematization of literacy, and the negotiations that literacy workers perform in the face of such dilemmas, this research contributes to thinking through how to transform coercive and authoritarian tendencies currently governing literate conduct.

Though the economic literature generally agrees on the positive labour supply effects of welfare reforms in the 1990s; there have been few studies that evaluate how these reforms might have affected employment outcomes of former and potential welfare recipients. This study fills this gap by using the 1993 Alberta welfare reform as a natural experiment. The 1993 and 1994 data from Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics show that welfare recipients and single mothers in Alberta were more likely to participate in the labour force and worked full-time for employers with multiple offices across Canada. Moreover, single mothers received lower wage rates if their employment started after the reform. After controlling for individual heterogeneity; however, single mothers were found to receive higher wage rates and less likely to work full-time. These findings suggest unobservable characteristics are also significant in determining employment outcomes of those affected by welfare reforms.

This thesis studies qualitative data to examine the lived experiences of Kentucky Transitional Assistance Program (K-TAP) recipients in Appalachian Kentucky. This research suggests that PRWORA legislation utilize the importance of place-based analyses to implement and evaluate poverty policy. For women who are attempting to meet PRWORA’s goals, the local services available to the women and the barriers they face to employment highlight the role place has in this national policy discussion. Of the women interviewed, recipients who resided in economically distressed areas had fewer opportunities to participate in employment activities than women in at-risk or transitional areas. While many strived to transition from PRWORA aide to economic independence through education and employment, others sought to exit through disability insurance. Nevertheless, the women interviewed had adopted PRWORA’s goals of economic independence.

Black women formed the first welfare rights organization in Atlanta composed of recipients and continued anti-poverty organizing for decades. Their strategy adapted to the political climate, including the ebb and flow of social movements. This thesis explores how and why that strategy changed as well as how the experiences of the women involved altered ideas of activism and movements.

xvi, 307 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / This research contributes to scholarly understanding of the labor market activity of women living in disadvantaged neighborhoods in large U.S. cities, the group most affected by 1996's welfare reform legislation. Welfare reform tightened eligibility for means-tested assistance programs, forcing many women to seek employment despite daunting personal obstacles. This research uncovers the extent to which this subset of women found steady employment in standard, living-wage jobs as well as the reasons why many have not. Unlike most work in this field, it incorporates measures of neighborhood disadvantage to further explore the spatial barriers to employment faced by this demographic group. I ask whether neighborhood context matters for employment outcomes, beyond individual characteristics and circumstances. Survey data, collected in 1998-1999 and 2001, come from the Project on Devolution and Urban Change, a longitudinal study of 3,916 women living in poor neighborhoods of four U.S. cities. I link these individual data to tract-level U.S. Census data, resulting in a longitudinal, multi-city, geographically-linked dataset, something that no previous published research uses, but an important tool for understanding how neighborhood context affects individual outcomes. The methodological approach involves a combination of regression techniques including pooled logistic regression, ordinary least squares regression, the use of change scores as predictors, the use of lagged endogenous variables, and the derivation of predicted probabilities using results from regression models. Results of this research indicate that neighborhood disadvantage is of only modest utility in explaining women's work trajectories. Although living in neighborhoods with more car ownership does improve employment outcomes, other neighborhood measures are less important. Some traditional markers of "disadvantage," such as the presence of female-headed (single parent) households, actually facilitate better employment outcomes, suggesting the need to reevaluate traditional notions of neighborhood advantage and disadvantage. Individual barriers to employment, particularly health, childcare and family responsibilities, and individual car ownership are consistently predictive of better employment outcomes. The results suggest the potential importance of spatially-targeted programs aimed at alleviating childcare, health and transportation barriers to employment. / Committee in charge: James Elliott, Chairperson, Sociology; Ellen Scott, Member, Sociology; Patricia A. Gwartney, Member, Sociology; Margaret Hallock, Outside Member, Labor Educ & Research Center

The last 15 years have seen governments in a number of mature welfare states attempting to reintegrate people out of work for reasons of sickness and disability into employment, principally through changes to the value and conditions of incapacity benefits and the provision of active labour market programmes. Whilst the academic interest in these changes has been considerable, this thesis begins by arguing that these studies hitherto have been satisfied to categorise these emerging regimes according to a familiar Work-first v Human Capital Development activation typology (for example, Peck & Theodore, 2001), or a variation upon that, according to the presence or absence of different activation services. They largely do not apply the insights that the broader activation literature has provided in recent years, particularly those on the governance of activation. Instead, this thesis proposes that it is better to examine recent changes through the lens of institutionalisation: how well-embedded employment-related support for sick and disabled claimants has become in the structure and functioning of welfare-to-work regimes for sick and disabled benefit claimants. Though not a concept much used in academic analysis of Active Labour Market Policy (ALMP), a case is made for the value of looking at, firstly, how well activating sick and disabled claimants becomes a national government labour market policy priority and secondly, how well the organisation and governance of active labour market programmes for this group support this, in additional to analyses of the services themselves. Working from what is already known about the factors that can influence a workless benefit claimant's access to employment support, the contention of such a framework is that the successful embedding of an activation strategy for sick and disabled claimants into national Labour Market Policy (LMP) is a function of the interaction of a range of factors. Crucial here is the distinction between ALMP for these claimants, and for other activation target groups – there is good evidence to believe that the changes made to activation governance to promote active work-search for the unemployed may, however unintentionally, militate against a comprehensive system of support for 'non-employed' jobseekers considered to be further from the labour market, claimants of incapacity benefits included. Alongside this framework, a case is made for being much clearer and more precise in describing what measures apply to which parts of the incapacity benefit claimant pool. In most countries, this is a very diverse population with several distinct sub-sets with different levels of distance from the labour market, ranging from those with very severe disabilities or health conditions; others with multiple employment barriers not all stemming directly from their condition (outdated skills, for example), and those whose employability is high, their disability or health condition notwithstanding. As a small number of studies have pointed out (Evans, 2001, for example), activation regimes – defined in this study as the set of services that are provided to help nonemployed sick and disabled benefit claimants back to work; and how these are organised; delivered; targeted and financed – 'sort and select' claimants, applying different types or more or less intensive support for different categorisations of claimants. An activation regime for the claimant group can thus be very inclusive or rather narrow, depending on the extent to which these sub-pools are catered for. To demonstrate the value of this framework in reaching a more accurate understanding of the nature of these emerging regimes relative to extant approaches, a cross-national comparison of activation of sick and disabled claimants in Denmark and the United Kingdom is offered. Whilst they are considered to be very nearly diametrically opposed in a number of key ways – their approaches to activation; benefit generosity and broader welfare regime contexts – when looked at using the institutionalisation framework, they emerge as more similar than expected. Regardless of their quite different starting points, they experience many of the same challenges in creating a system in which the employment activation of the full extent of the claimant group is a priority and where a sick or disabled benefit claimant's right to back-to-work support is secure.

Following the 2008/9 global financial crisis and ensuing economic uncertainty, the roll out of austerity politics has seen significant welfare retrenchment and a recalibration of the state-citizen relationship which can arguably be characterised by a process of punitive Neoliberalism. Nevertheless, the impacts of austerity politics are proving to be geographically uneven: spatially, there is significant evidence that the northern and western parts of Britain, particularly towns and cities therein, are especially prone to the punitive impacts of neoliberal austerity politics, while socially, some parts of society (e.g. the young, the disabled) find themselves exposed to the worst effects of austerity. Conducted under the period of a Conservative-Liberal Democrat UK Coalition Government (2010-2015) this thesis starts by considering the degree to which punitive austerity policies are economically necessary or driven by political ideology. Alongside this it determines whether austerity politics is a (re)new(ed) approach to welfare provision and the state-citizen relationship. The empirical parts of the thesis examine the tactics and strategies utilised by those conducting (the state), implementing (welfare providers and employers), and recipients (people and employees) of welfare-to-work policies, before considering what adaptations, innovations, co-operation, resistance and coping strategies are being employed by these stakeholders in response to austerity politics. In the final part, I argue that whilst many of the neoliberalised policies devised by the Coalition Government have been a renewal and reinvention of those already in place, this is part of a broader trend which is marked by the emergence of a more punitive Neoliberalism associated with a work-first welfare regime.

In 2012, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services reported an estimated 686,000 victims of child abuse and neglect. Forty-nine states reported a total of 1,593 fatalities. This quantitative research study examined the relationship between the variables: age of child, gender of child, age of parent/caregiver, prior substantiated reports of abuse, and incidents of abuse in Philadelphia at the Department of Human Services using risk practice model (RPM) and safety practice model (SPM). Although child welfare practitioners have examined the relationship between family and societal factors that affect child abuse; few researchers have examined the correlation between service delivery practice models and incidents of abuse. The findings of this quantitative study examined 34,761 components of variable data from the Department of Human Services revealed that the age of the child, age of the caregiver, and incidents of abuse are statistically significant predictors of abuse, whereas the gender of child had minimal effect on incidents of abuse. The most accurate predictor of child abuse is prior substantiated reports of abuse. The study shows that reports received in 2007 using the RPM were 9.6% more likely to have a valid report; likewise, every report received during the years 2007 and 2012 increases the probability of a valid report by 94.2%. Development of a comprehensive assessment tool that combines the principle tenets of both RPM and SPM is recommended. The implications for social change include developing a practice model that can increase safety probabilities while diminishing incidents of abuse by using a more comprehensive assessment tool.

No description available.