Yes / In addressing the EU2020 goals, skills shortage combined with increasing unemployment rates is to be primarily tackled in Western Europe; the common factor here is education. Education and lifelong learning (LL) are the key strands governing employability in the European labour market. Overarching concepts capable of addressing social challenges within education and LL that contribute towards better practices are seen as social innovations (SI). While SI in education is well founded in the developing countries, Europe is still in the process of gaining progressive momentum in this direction. In addressing various societal challenges, this study looks at observable trends in SI for education across Western Europe. About 30 innovations have been recorded across 11 countries that are essentially focussed on: social integration, alternative/new forms of education, digital learning, new learning arrangements, new LL strategies, early career planning, youth employment, quality improvements and new education standards, transition management, and entrepreneurial education. / European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme for research, technological development and demonstration [grant number 612870].

No / This article examines whether the downward trajectory in strike activity in nine Western European economies has continued over recent years. In doing so, it considers the nature of the dominant forms of extant strike activity and how these relate to systems of collective bargaining and political exchange. The main findings are three-fold. First, while there has been a general decline in aggregate strike activity, this has often been punctuated by sharp peaks. Second, the dominant nature of the strike activity, especially the sharp peaks, has become increasingly concerned with mounting demonstrative collective mobilizations in the political, rather than industrial, arena. Consequently, much strike activity is increasingly being deployed as a tool of political leverage with governments rather than as a tool of industrial leverage with (private sector) employers. Third, official data on strikes are becoming increasingly unreliable as they contain ever more significant exclusions, raising not so much the prospect of an end to quiescence but an over-estimation of the extent of decline.

No / Academic interest in corporate social responsibility (CSR) can be traced back to the 1930s. Since then an impressive body of empirical data and theory-building has been amassed, mainly located in the fields of management studies and business ethics. One of the most noteworthy recent conceptual contributions to the scholarship is Midttun’s (Corporate Governance 5(3):159–174, 2005) CSR-oriented embedded relational model of societal governance. It re-conceptualises the relationships between the state, business, and civil society. Other scholars (In Albareda et al. Corporate Governance 6(4):386–400, 2006; Business Ethics: A European Review 17(4):347–363, 2008; Lozano et al., Governments and Corporate Social Responsibility, 2008) have recently successfully used the model as the basis for their analytical framework for researching CSR activities in a large number of western European countries. While this research offers valuable insights into how CSR is operationalised, it also suffers from a number of significant limitations. To develop a stronger analytical framework with which to explore CSR, this article draws more deeply on political science literature concerned with governance and public policy analysis. This represents the main purpose of this article. In addition, this article also addresses a second and more modest aim: to reflect on the ways in which relational governance-inspired frameworks could be adapted and applied to politico-economic systems where state-industry-third sector relations differ from those found in North America and Western Europe. Both lines of argument are illustrated using vignettes from a case study of the Evenkia Hydro-Electric Station building project in the Russian Federation.

Yes

The purpose of this study is to further examine the populist wave that has struck the West, with specific regards to France and Germany. The growing anti-immigrant sentiment, the discontent with “establishment” politics, and fear-mongering tactics has given rise to far-right political parties such as the National Front and the Alternative for Germany. These political parties prove threatening to the democratic institutions in place, for they wish to limit the liberties of those who seem too different. Through delving into the core values of these countries and specific events revolving around foreigners, I explain how xenophobic ideology has been allowed to permeate through France and Germany’s society and has increased the legitimacy of political leaders like Marine Le Pen and Frauke Petry.

A travers l'étude des Calcisols alluviaux des bassins de Digne-Valensole (SE France) et de Loranca (Espagne centrale), l'objectif de cette thèse est de développer des approches spécifiques à ce type de profils paléopédologiques, et de proposer de nouvelles données paléoenvironnementales et paléoclimatiques pour l'Europe occidentale.Ces paléosols ont été investigués par des méthodes pédologiques, sédimentologiques, minéralogiques et géochimiques, qui mettent en avant la lixiviation et la fersiallitisation comme des processus majeurs dans leur formation, ainsi qu'une influence non négligeable des variations latérales des matériaux parentaux sur leurs caractéristiques. L'étude couplée des paléosols et des dépôts sédimentaires associés permet également d'intégrer les dépôts dans un modèle de stratigraphie séquentielle à haute résolution, et ouvre une discussion sur les biais d'estimation du taux d'aggradation à partir des séries alluviales.De nouvelles climofonctions basées sur les teneurs et distributions des éléments majeurs au sein de ces profils sont proposées à partir de l'analyse d'analogues actuels du Nord-Est de l'Espagne. Celles-ci prennent en compte l'hétérogénéité des dépôts soumis à l'altération, en comparant la composition des horizons de subsurface à celle de la partie superficielle du matériau parental. Elles apparaissent complémentaires des climofonctions précédemment développées pour estimer les précipitations et leur saisonnalité à partir de la morphologie de l'horizon d'accumulation du carbonate de calcium, en apportant la possibilité d'estimer les températures et les précipitations annuelles moyennes, y compris à partir de paléosols tronqués par l'érosion, fréquents dans ces séries.Leur application aux paléosols étudiés permet de mettre en évidence un climat relativement chaud à fort contraste saisonnier en termes de précipitations, similaire au climat méditerranéen actuel. Ces données remettent en cause la vision soutenue par les études paléontologiques d'un climat humide à cette période, et pose la question de l'enregistrement du signal climatique selon l'objet considéré. En effet, si la préservation des fossiles est généralement liée à des conditions humides, les sols se développent sur l'ensemble des parties émergées et enregistrent des conditions et périodes plus sèches, ce qui justifie la nécessité de prendre davantage en compte les paléosols dans ces reconstitutions. / Through the study of alluvial Calcisols from the Digne-Valensole (SE France) and the Loranca (central Spain) basins, the aim of this thesis is to develop specific methods and to propose new paleoenvironmental and paleoclimatic data for Western Europe.These paleosols were investigated by pedological, sedimentological, mineralogical and geochemical methods. These highlight leaching and fersiallitisation as major processes in the formation of these profiles, and the influence of the lateral variations of parent materials on paleosols features. Moreover, the cross study of paleosols and sedimentary deposits allows their integration in a high-resolution sequence stratigraphy model, and opens a discussion about the estimation of aggradation rate from alluvial successions.New climofunctions based on major elements contents and distributions through these profiles are also proposed from the study of modern analogs from NE Spain. These functions include a ratio between the subsurface horizon and the upper part of parent material to avoid bias due to the strong heterogeneity of the altered deposits. These are complementary to previous methods developed from the morphological study of calcium carbonate accumulation horizon, which permit to estimate mean annual precipitations and their seasonality, bringing the possibility to quantify mean annual temperatures and precipitations even with truncated profiles, frequent in such successions.Their application to the studied paleosols reveals a relatively hot climate with a strong seasonal contrast in terms of precipitations, similar to the modern Mediterranean climate. These data improve our knowledge of this period that paleontological studies qualify as more humid, and raise the question about the recording of climatic signal according to the considered object. Indeed, if the preservation of fossils is usually linked to humid conditions, soils form over the emerged parts of environment and record drier conditions, which justify the need to enhance the use of paleopedological studies in such reconstructions.

This thesis examines party-based Euroscepticism across four different national contexts in the period 2011-3 by bringing into focus right-wing populist parties. Understanding Europeanization as a label for the impact of engagement with the EU and its practical and normative influences on statecraft, policy-making, and the wider society, the thesis looks into the Europeanization of narratives of national identity, minority rights issues, immigration and citizenship. It discusses the way in which the impact of engagement with the EU is perceived as well as the nature of the arguments made against the EU’s involvement in associated policy processes. There has been a recent upsurge in Euroscepticism due to a combination of economic and political factors, on both the popular and party level in EU countries, as well as the increased blurring of the boundaries between mainstream and fringe Eurosceptics. Hence, it is important to analyze the precise reasons behind this phenomenon. The discussion focuses on “soft Euroscepticism” – the thesis is generally not interested in pondering the generic arguments against a country’s membership in supranational entities or shedding light on those parties who oppose the underlying values on which the EU project rests. The thesis therefore probes the attitudes of parties that – with the recent and partial exception of the PVV in the Netherlands – tend to emphasize relatively specific issue-areas as sources of concerns. This work is primarily based on qualitative methods - 32 elite interviews with nationalist-populist politicians including key figures such as party leaders (Rolf Schlierer, Gheorghe Funar), European Parliament representatives (Barry Madlener) and members of the National Parliament as well as of the general party councils (Ventsislav Lakov) in addition to detailed analysis of policy documentation and books authored by party representatives – and highlights and deconstructs these parties’ grievances attributable to nationalistically-oriented concerns. It includes a detailed literature review that clarifies the EU’s impacts and country-specific historical and contemporary differences in the four domains affected by “Europeanization” (Chapters 1-3) and then in Chapters 4-6 uses original empirical data to compare the attitudes of the four parties – Ataka, PRM, REP, and PVV – with regard to the issues already introduced. The thesis utilizes theoretical approaches drawn from several disciplines ranging from political science to sociology, though it mostly confines itself to those pertaining to core group or minority/ethno-regionalist nationalist mobilization, ethnic vs. civic nationalisms in Eastern vs. Western Europe, as well as the different role played by EU conditionality in relation to the political landscape on the two sides of the continent. Extrapolating from this body of research, it develops hypotheses and projections regarding the expected disconnect in viewpoints between Eastern and Western parties. The study finds that attitudes towards “Europeanized” issues areas diverge greatly and do not necessarily correlate with the extent to which EU membership as a whole is opposed by the party. In line with previous research findings, the EU’s capacity to create a super-order nationalism that could challenge conventional readings of patriotism is generally not conceptualized as a significant threat. However, the interviews did reveal that pre-existing transcendent identities – like Latin identity in the case of Romania or the Slavic one in Bulgaria - – are perceived as threatened or as being tacitly degraded due to assumed cultural biases within the EU. At the same time, the reduced salience of such identities among the members of the Western populist parties does not make them more sympathetic to Pan-Europeanism. EU effects on immigration are predictably rated as manifestly detrimental by the West European parties, because they distrust the professionalism of EU agencies and networks, dislike the Eastern Europeans’ increasing involvement in making higher-level decisions and perceive the EU as more liberally inclined than the national government in this realm (with the latter two points especially applicable to the PVV). However, it was interesting that the East Europeans also expressed some disquiet due to the EU’s supposed culpability in encouraging emigration of their own citizens and the presumed unwillingness of the EU organs to offer them the necessary financial means for combating immigration into Bulgaria across the Turkish border. However, contrary to theoretical expectations, the study suggests that there are no hard and fast rules when it comes to the populist party’s proclivity to regard the EU as an ally of “minority lobbies”, with the PVV (the most Eurosceptic party) assessing the relevancy of this aspect as minor, while it is gauged to be of fundamental importance by Ataka (less Eurosceptic than the PVV). Among CEE populists, the thesis shows how “privileged minorities” like Hungarians and Turks are viewed with alarm due to supposedly making use of the EU level in order to advance their secessionist ambitions (Hungarians in Romania) or improve their socio-economic prospects at the expense of the majority (Turks in ethnically mixed regions of Bulgaria). In short, the thesis establishes that there is still a strong dividing line between Eastern and Western populist parties in relation to the assessments made with regard to the impact of the EU on European identity, migration issues and majority-minority dynamics.

La variabilité spatio-temporelle de l’évolution morpho-sédimentaire du fond de la vallée de la Choisille (bassin versant : 288 km²), affluent de la Loire moyenne dans le sud-ouest du Bassin parisien (37), a été étudiée par 78 forages (8 transects), prospection géophysique, analyses sédimentologiques et datations 14C et OSL. Huit phases d’évolution du système fluviatile depuis le début Weichsélien ont été définies et corrélées avec les données palynologiques et archéologiques locales, afin de comprendre l’impact des facteurs forçants : climat ou/et anthropisation. Du Weichsélien jusqu’au début du Subatlantique, l'activité d'incision ou de sédimentation de la Choisille a évolué sous contrôle climatique strict. Depuis l’Allerød, cette évolution a été différente de celles observées sur d’autres rivières en Europe du Nord-Ouest, indiquant des spécificités climatiques et géologiques régionales. Dès l’Âge du Bronze, la rivière a évolué sous contrôle climatique et anthropique ; l'impact anthropique sur la sédimentation fut prépondérant, mais très variable dans le temps et l'espace au sein du bassin selon les potentialités agricoles des secteurs considérés. / The spatio-temporal variability of the Choisille valley morpho-sedimentary evolution (catchment: 288 km²), a tributary of the middle Loire River in the south-western Parisian Basin (37), was studied through 78 core-drillings (8 transects), geophysical prospecting, sedimentological analyses and 14C and OSL dating. Eight phases of fluvial system evolution were defined and correlated with palynological and archaeological dataset, in order to highlight the impact of forcing factors: climate and/or human activity. From the Weichselian up to the Subatlantic, the fluvial incision or sedimentation activity has strictly evolved under climate control. Since the Allerød, this evolution was different from what has been observed on other rivers of north-western Europe, indicating regional climatic or geological specificities. Since the Bronze Ages, the river has evolved under climatic and human control; the anthropogenic impact on sedimentation was dominant, but spatio-temporaly variable in the catchment, in relationship with the agricultural potentialities of the different areas.

My contribution is focused to a modest framework creation for asylum-immigration theory. By means of arms-export data from 17 Western European countries, tested against inflow of asylum seekers to these countries, covering the past 26 years, it is clear that arms-export from these countries do not contribute to their own asylum-inflow. The main theoretical contribution to existing literature on arms export and migration is therefore that I separate plausible causes of outgoing migration (arms export to countries from where asylum flows are generated) from determinants of asylum immigration. Empirically, I disprove such hypothetical indirect connections put forward both within academic literature and by NGOs like Amnesty International. Instead, I find the counter-intuitive, namely that increased arms export leads to less asylum immigration. Also, in contrast to previous literature on asylum immigration, I build on Granovetter (1973) and propose that diffusion of information through asylum networks depend on weak social connections as opposed to close relationships like ethnic bonds, family ties and friendships. In addition, I problematize the tendency of existing literature to treat asylum seekers as labor migrants and argue for a framework founded on principles which account for the unique circumstances and life situations faced by asylum seekers. In doing so I also extend on previous quantitative works and find that crucial determinants for inflow are signified by the generosity of the welfare state, absence of far right sentiments, and religious diversity. The wealth of a country, its general quality of life, its linguistic and ethnic fractionalization, do not appear to matter.

My contribution is focused to a modest framework creation for asylum-immigration theory. By means of arms-export data from 17 Western European countries, tested against inflow of asylum seekers to these countries, covering the past 26 years, it is clear that arms-export from these countries do not contribute to their own asylum-inflow. The main theoretical contribution to existing literature on arms export and migration is therefore that I separate plausible causes of outgoing migration (arms export to countries from where asylum flows are generated) from determinants of asylum immigration. Empirically, I disprove such hypothetical indirect connections put forward both within academic literature and by NGOs like Amnesty International. Instead, I find the counter-intuitive, namely that increased arms export leads to less asylum immigration. Also, in contrast to previous literature on asylum immigration, I build on Granovetter (1973) and propose that diffusion of information through asylum networks depend on weak social connections as opposed to close relationships like ethnic bonds, family ties and friendships. In addition, I problematize the tendency of existing literature to treat asylum seekers as labor migrants and argue for a framework founded on principles which account for the unique circumstances and life situations faced by asylum seekers. In doing so I also extend on previous quantitative works and find that crucial determinants for inflow are signified by the generosity of the welfare state, absence of far right sentiments, and religious diversity. The wealth of a country, its general quality of life, its linguistic and ethnic fractionalization, do not appear to matter.