This doctoral research is a contribution to the understanding of social activism and its socio-cultural formation in postcolonial Okinawa. It is based on eighteen months of fieldwork including participant observation and interviews at a public women’s organisation, Women’s Organisation Okinawa (WOO). This project centres on the lived practices of staff who attempted to produce and encourage gender equality in the public sector under neoliberal governance. I demonstrate through ethnographic analysis how the practice of law and social movements is distinct from the ideals of such movements as well as the particular individuals involved in them. WOO was established in the public sector by local government in alliance with various grassroots groups in Okinawa in the late 1990s. WOO embraced the dreams, hopes and anticipations of various actors - users and workers - who had been involved in the establishment, but in reality, it also contained various contradictions. First, WOO was a new workplace for those who wanted to work in activism and be paid for their work, but also reproduced precarious, low-waged, gendered labour. Second, WOO was a site which put law into practice, but it revealed that law internalised the inconsistency between what people had originally expected of the law and what law enacted as a result of institutionalisation. Third, WOO unexpectedly became a focal point of contact between neoliberal and feminist governance through public services and the requirements of performing accountability for citizens and for feminist activism. Thus frontline practitioners attempted to bridge the gap between ideal, reality, law and practice and to negotiate with neoliberal and feminist governance in the labour process. This thesis demonstrates how the inconsistencies between ideal and reality arose in the daily working practices of staff positioned between citizens, laws and social movements. More precisely, it explores how staff attempted to negotiate, accommodate and struggle with the gap between ideal and reality through their lived experience, rather than fiercely resisting or merely being subject to a form of governance or reality. In doing so, the thesis reveals how unstable and problematic the notion of ‘gender equality’ was as it was deployed at WOO.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse the conceptualisation of the social relations of class and gender within the Social Democratic Women’s Association during the period 1972 – 1993, on the basis of their programmes for action. The analysis of the concepts is based on an ideology critical study focusing on the manifest ideology. The study is based upon the theoretical concepts of class and gender,  The class analysis is based upon the broadened concepts of class by Erik Olin Wright and Ira Katznelson. The gender analysis is mainly based upon a Marxist understanding and a critical point of view of Marxism and feminism in the context of patriarchy and capitalism. The period of the study is where the social democracy is challenged, both by radical socialism and feminist ideology and the economic crisis during the 1980’s, as well as the possible threat of an organised women’s party in Sweden. It is also a period with major changes in the Swedish class structure, especially in the change when married women become a part of the female labour force rather than being housewives. The results indicate that the use of the concepts of class and gender is mainly sparsely used. The concepts are often paraphrased in varied terms of social equality. Class is clearly more used, and more often implied, than gender. Gender policies are formed from a latent ideology to a more practically oriented policy, without any real progress concerning power and equality, when Sweden at the same time forms policies for gender equality, from which the women’s association could benefit, even though they may not have been the actors of this change. The analysis also indicates that some of the ideological changes within the women’s association are a result of both outside influences from more radical groups as well as ideological crises within the social democracy. In this struggle between class and gender the Social Democratic Women's Association positions itself in between.

Die Arbeit untersucht erstmals die evangelischen Vereine für weibliche Jugendliche, die so genannten Jungfrauenvereine, von ihrer Entstehung in den 1840er Jahren bis zum 1. Weltkrieg, sowie insbesondere den 1893 gegründeten Verband der evangelischen Jungfrauenvereine Deutschlands (später Evangelischer Verband zur Pflege der weiblichen Jugend Deutschlands, ab 1929 Evangelischer Reichsverband weiblicher Jugend). <br><br> In der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhundert begann ein Teil des protestantischen Bürgertums damit, für die hochmobilen Unterschichts-Jugendlichen, die im Zuge der Industrialisierung als Handwerksgesellen und Dienstmädchen, später als Fabrikarbeiter und -arbeiterinnen in die expandierenden Großstädten gingen, Herbergen und Vereine zu gründen. Damit trugen die Initiatoren wesentlich zur Entstehung eines öffentliches Bewusstsein für die prekäre Lebenssituation der Unterschichtsjugend und für die Notwendigkeit präventiver Jugendarbeit bei. Der Verband initiierte dann in den Jahren um 1900 zahlreiche innovative soziale Projekte in der weiblichen Jugendpflege und Jugendfürsorge. Die Arbeit untersucht drei Bereiche: 1. Vereine (sog. Abendheime) und Wohnheime für Fabrikarbeiterinnen; 2. die 1894 begonnene Bahnhofmission, die sich der mobilen weiblichen Jugendlichen direkt an die Bahnhöfen annahm; 3. Erholungshäuser für erwerbstätige Jugendliche. Bei allen Initiativen arbeitete der Verband eng mit seinem lokalen Partner, dem Berliner Verein zur Fürsorge für die weibliche Jugend zusammen, der neue Arbeitsbereiche in der Praxis testete. <br><br> Neben der Verbandsgeschichte im engeren Sinne thematisiert die Untersuchung auch die Konzeption und die Inhalte der Vereinsarbeit. Orientiert an dem Konzept einer christlichen Persönlichkeitsbildung sollte die Vereinsarbeit möglichst viele Bereiche jugendlichen Lebens umfassen: Arbeit (inkl. Erholungsurlaub), Wohnen, Freizeit (Geselligkeit, Lektüre), Gesundheit und Bildung. Da jedoch aufgrund der Orientierung an einem konservativen Frauenbild der Bereich jugendlicher Sexualität bewusst ausgeklammert wurde, erreichte man mit diesem Konzept präventiver Jugendarbeit im wesentlichen nur die ohnehin wohlanständigen Jugendlichen. <br><br> Die Spannung zwischen einem konservativen Frauenbild einerseits und den modernisierenden Impulsen einer Jugendarbeit mit weiblichen Jugendlichen andererseits zeigt sich auch daran, dass der Verband durch die Gründung eines Berufsverbandes für Sozialarbeiterinnen (Verband der Berufsarbeiterinnen der Inneren Mission) und der Einrichtung von Ausbildungsstätten wesentlichen Anteil an den modernisierenden Prozessen der Verberuflichung der sozialen Arbeit und der kirchlichen Jugendpflege zu Berufen bürgerlicher Frauen hatte. / This is the first study into the Protestant association for female youths, the so-called Jungfrauenvereine, from their origins in the 1840s until World War I, and especially the German Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) founded in 1893. <br><br> In the first half of the 19th century, members of the Protestant middle-class began founding hostels and associations for the highly mobile youth from the lower classes that went to the expanding cities to find jobs as manual labourers or housemaids, then later as factory workers. As a consequence, the initiators of Protestant youth welfare contributed significantly to the common awareness for the precarious situation of lower class youth (females) and of the necessity for preventive youth care. <br><br> In the decade preceding and subsequent to 1900, the Association initiated various pioneering social projects in the area of female youth work and youth welfare. This study examines three areas: 1. The associations and homes for young female workers; 2. The Railway Station Mission (Bahnhofsmission) which was founded in 1894 and cared for mobile female youths directly at the central stations of big cities. 3. Rest homes for young working women. In all these efforts the national associations worked together very closely with their local partner, the Berlin Association for the Welfare of Female Youths (Berliner Verein zur Fürsorge für die weibliche Jugend), which tested and practised new forms of social work. <br><br> Apart from the history of the German Young Women’s Christian Association in a narrower sense, this study also explores the conception and content of the Association’s work. Based on the concept of Christian inspired personal development, the work of the Association sought to encompass various parts of juvenile life such as: work (including holiday), living, leisure (social gatherings, reading), health and education. Because of the focus on conservative female role models, juvenile sexuality was explicitly ignored. This meant that this concept of preventive youth care only reached those young women who already conducted themselves in the perceived decency. <br><br> The tension between the conservative female role model on the one hand and the modernising impact of new models of youth welfare on the other hand is also visible in the fact that the Association made an essential contribution to the institutionalisation of new social professions for middle-class women by founding a vocational association of social workers and vocational schools and colleges.