This study argues that much of early post colonial Uganda's political developments, had its roots in the colonial patterns of governance. It was, however, the imperative of Uganda's early post colonial rulers to have formulated and maintained conditions for legitimate and orderly governance. Largely, this required a coherent political class with a mass based and mobilising political movement, that moreover had a political programme that catered for the interests of its support base. Indeed, their opting to negate these very prerequisite conditions, contributed greatly to Uganda's subsequent political disorder, and it's further marginalisation in the International Political Economy. This study suggests that since the impact of colonialism in Uganda, its governance policies have closely been linked to the broader dictates of the International Political Economy. A reality that the policy makers in post colonial Uganda should have realised, and in the process attempted to advantageously adapt to the Ugandan situation. Their was a qualitative improvement in Uganda's governance from 1986. This study illustrates that this was a result of the emerging into power of a political class, whose policies deliberately and strenuously attempted to fulfil the above mentioned criteria. Their is need to link Uganda's foreign and governance policies. Consequently a conscious and deliberate effort has to made by its policy makers, to ensure that the two are amicably adapted to each other, so as to derive the best possible benefits. For instance what Uganda needs in the existing New World Order are development, domestic and foreign investments and export markets for its produce. All of which can only be obtained if political order through a legitimate political system and government exists. With a leadership, that moreover, deliberately attracts foreign investments and creates the enabling conditions for competitive economic production. The onus is upon Ugandans to ensure that they institutionalise conditions for their appropriate governance and foreign policies. For this thesis argues that the International Political Economy is dynamic, and Uganda was never predestined to be at its margins.

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This dissertation examines the construction of new national borders in the former Russian Empire after the First World War, between Soviet and British imperial intervention. This forgotten process of border-making had enormous consequences for the shape of the Soviet Union and the 20th-century international order. Through an interdisciplinary approach combining diplomatic, intellectual, military, and material histories, incorporating government documents, memoirs, and personal papers, this work puts the formation of the Soviet Union in international context and connects it with the on-the-ground development of new ideas about the nation-state. The contingent decisions and everyday practices of local Soviet and British officials drew borders around national territories and imagined national spaces in ways that still shape Eastern Europe and Eurasia 100 years later.

This dissertation argues that the Anglo-Egyptian colonial encounter of 1805-1954 colonized Ottoman Egypt through the introduction of Western calculative technologies such as the census, accounting and auditing. These calculative technologies reorganized the community by usurping its powers and endowing it in the state. They replaced prior negotiated forms of enumeration in which the community organized itself and its information gathering apparatuses such as collective taxation, cadastral surveys and pious philanthropic endowments. The first chapter tracks the birth of the census in Egypt and the introduction of a new modality of power. The second chapter shows that pious Muslim endowments were once the predecessor to the joint-stock corporation, but without its surplus extracting mechanism and accumulation ethic. For the state to be born, these endowments had to be seized – usurping the community’s enumerative powers. The third chapter argues that Egypt was granted sovereignty in 1840 based on its ability to pay its colonial financial obligations and financial reform. The fourth chapter explores a court case filed in 1924 by Nathan Rothschild, who sued to guarantee that Egypt continued to pay its debt obligations, making Egypt subservient to a colonial form of sovereignty even after independence in 1922. Chapter five closes by reflecting on postcolonial sovereignty after British evacuation of Egypt in 1954. It argues that Britain set the terms of decolonization by using Egyptian financial obligations and sterling balances deposited in London as bargaining chips.

This thesis purports to critically analyze Wallerstien’s world-systems theory, to test its strengths and weaknesses and establish its reliability as a world politics theory, thereby reviving Marxism in general. The study employs a qualitative research method to go deep into the underlying logic of the theory.In an endeavor to tackle the matter at hand, five criteria of analysis are employed to examine the merits and demerits in specific areas of the theory. This involves looking at the structure of the theory, the period of the emergence of capitalism, the unit of analysis, the coherence of the arguments and processes of the theory and the reliability of the world-systems theory in contemporary world politics. The main conclusion of the study is that the world-systems theory is reliable when used to explain three themes in world politics. These are global inequality, dependency and sovereignty.

At the beginning of the 20th century, in the midst of fears of anti-colonial Muslim uprisings fomented by the Ottoman Sultan, a network of French colonialists, diplomats, and scholars argued that France should colonize North Africa through Islam and not against it. They contended that, since expanding its dominion over large populations of Muslims, France had become “a Muslim Empire” and should govern as such. This dissertation studies what it meant for France to attempt to rule as a Muslim power through colonial expansions and crises from the 1900s to the 1920s. It reads this colonial rhetoric and practice against the grain of a wide array of North Africans’ writings, ranging from Islamic jurisprudence manuscripts, newspapers, memoirs, and private letters that reflected the multiple dimensions of anti-colonial struggles: from dreams to re-unify North Africa under the Ottoman Empire to trans-colonial Muslim solidarities from Morocco to India. By so doing, it attempts to place marginalized North African voices at the center of discourses on colonial subjecthood, race, and Islamic belonging.

This dissertation offers a new interpretation of the interplay between projects of imperial consolidation and movements for self-determination in Egypt and the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire from 1908, when the Young Turk revolution restored Ottoman parliamentary rule, to 1923, when the Treaty of Lausanne recognized an independent Turkish state. Through an examination of commissioned works and investigations, the dissertation shows how conceptions of autonomy, self-determination and independence impacted entered the lexicon of regional politics in the context of debates over constitutional order—the decentralization of Ottoman governance in the Arab provinces, the introduction of the League of Nations mandates system in bilād al-Shām and Iraq, and the abrogation of the British protectorate over Egypt. Drawing on diplomatic records, private papers, memoirs and the archives of the commissions under study, each chapter shows how experts, intellectuals and activists navigated a transitional conjuncture marked by the breakdown of longstanding structures of political and social authority. Understanding commissions as indices of an investigative modality concerned with populations, their sentiments, and desires, I trace the emergence of a culture of public accountability in its convergence with the making of constitutional order in Egypt and bilād al-Shām.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 2004. / Submitted to the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 271-290). Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;

This study attempts to examine the international debt crisis in the 1980s from a primarily political perspective, to permit a greater understanding of the interaction between economics and politics in the course of crisis management The process of dealing with the current international debt crisis provides an pat case for investigation of how economic concerns affect political outcomes, and how political factors influence economic outcomes, and how political factors influence economic policies. This study concentrates on the two regions of Latin America and Eastern Europe where the debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt problem has been increasingly politicized in the contemporary international relations, and that its solution, in addition to the economic aspects, calls for political willingness by all parties concerned.