Exploration of the influence that politics may have on artists’ creativity has been undertaken by looking at selected works of Yugoslav film director Aleksandar Petrović. An attempt was made to identify thematic or stylistic motifs in his films that could be understood as reflections on the political context in which the work was made. One of the most common approaches to examine a work of one filmmaker, the auteur theory, has been modified into the theory of political auteur, to aid in identifying recurrent motifs and themes that artists introduce in their work as a reaction to the surrounding political reality. As Petrović worked in Yugoslavia during Socialism, this period was historicised in order to support the identification of ‘political motifs’ in his films. The period between 1965 and 1973 is taken as the focus of research, since it is known as the 'liberal hour', the period of great artistic and intellectual freedoms, during which Petrović directed four of his most significant films. Each of these four films is analysed in respective chapters, first by elaborating on the then current political background, and then by analysing the films’ narratives against it, and extrapolating thematic and stylistic motifs reflecting back on this background. Such exploration of art and politics has been undertaken with a view to emphasise consistent motifs in art works, not only to do with an artist’s personal interests, but also those that emerge as a result of imposing societal structures.

Based on Hobsbawm’s notion of “invented traditions,” this thesis argues that the Serbian warrior tradition, the hajduk, was formalised from the folk oral epic tradition into official state practices. Using reports from the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, military histories of Yugoslavia’s Second World War, and case files from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), this thesis shows how the hajduk epics were used to articulate war programs and formations, to construct perpetrator and victim identities, and to help encourage and justify the levels of violence during the Yugoslav wars of succession, 1991-1995. The thesis shows how the formalising of the invented hajduk tradition made the epics an important part of political and military mobilisation for at least the last two centuries. During Serbia’s modernisation campaign in the nineteenth century, the epic hajduk traditions were codified by Serbian intellectuals and fashioned into national stories of heroism. While cleansing territories of undesirable populations during the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, the hajduks were portrayed in the tradition of nation builders by the Kingdom of Serbia. The hajduk tradition was also mobilised as Nazi Germany invaded Yugoslavia in 1941, with both Draža Mihailović’s Četniks and Tito’s Partisans appropriating the historic guerrilla tradition. During the “re-traditionalisation” period under Slobodan Milošević in the 1980s, the invented hajduk tradition was again mobilised in the service of war. As Bosnian Muslim bodies were flung from the Mehmed Sokolović Bridge in Višegrad in 1992, the Serbian perpetrators dreamed of themselves as avenging hajduks thus justifying a modern ethnic cleansing. / Graduate

The main purpose of this master's thesis is to describe and analyze the opinions of a several selected journalists, associated with the The New York Times, on participation the official policy of the United States in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992- 1995). On the basic of texts of several outstanding personalities of American journalism the early 90s, the thesis presents a picture of how this conflict resonated in one of the most popular American journals and primarily how journalists evaluated the policy of president Bill Clinton and his National Security Council in the Balkans. Besides this main practical part, which includes an overview of the every single journalists and political position of The New York Times, the thesis is also dedicated to the overall nature of foreign policy of W. J. Clinton and George Bush sr., background of Bosnian conflict and detailed summary of events in wartime Bosnia with a strong emphasis on the participation of the White House.

La transformation de supporters de football serbes, bosniaques et croates en soldats dès 1991, la présence de supporters en première ligne contre la police dans la chute du régime de Milošević et dans l’opposition au président croate Franjo Tuđman, la mobilisation violente de supporters contre la tenue de gay pride, la prise d’assaut de l’ambassade des Etats-Unis à Belgrade, sont autant de faits qui s’inscrivent au croisement du football par les acteurs en jeu, du politique par la portée de leurs actes, et de l’identitaire comme fondement légitimateur à agir. C’est donc à partir de ces faits politiques que la question des interactions entre les mondes du football et le monde politique tire sa légitimité. Il s’agit alors de décrypter ces interactions, aussi bien dans le temps depuis la fin de la Yougoslavie communiste jusqu’à nos jours, que de façon comparée entre les différents pays issus de la Yougoslavie. Ce faisant, loin de la futilité dont on l’affuble, il faut prendre le football au sérieux aussi bien dans son rôle de fenêtre d’observation que dans celui d’agent politique de changement. Ce faisant, c’est à travers le football mais surtout par le football que l’on peut produire une analyse politique transversale de l’espace post-yougoslave, que ce soit sur le phénomène de politisation par le bas, sur la persistance du paradigme ethno-nationaliste, sur le caractère très discutable de l’idée de rupture entre l’avant et l’après 2000, ainsi que sur la persistance de pratiques politiques autoritaires dans l’ensemble de la région indépendamment du processus d’intégration européenne. / Football fans from Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia started turning into soldiers from 1991. Football fans were on the frontline against police during Milosevic’s fall as well as in the opposition to Croatian president Tudjman. Football fans were able to mobilize in huge numbers with extreme violence against gay pride parades. Football fans assaulted and set the US embassy in Belgrade on fire in 2008. These facts are at the crossroads between football through the actors at stake, politics through their aims and meanings, and identity regarding the founding ideas upon which they rely. It is therefore throughout those facts that interactions between the football world and the political world are a legitimate question to raise. It shall be dealt with not only by taking into account a broad period from the end of communist Yugoslavia to nowadays, but also in a comparative approach between the different states born from Yugoslavia’s collapse. Thus, far from being a futile occupation and an illegitimate social science object, it is necessary to take football seriously regarding the two roles it plays, first as an observation window, second as a political agent of change. Therefore, not only through football but also by football will it be possible to draw a transversal political analysis, be it on the politicisation process from the bottom, on the persistence of an ethno-nationalist paradigm, on whether 2000 can be deemed a deep break in the period from 1991 to nowadays, and on authoritarian practices in the region regardless of the European integration process.

LL.M. (International Law) / Please refer to full text to view abstract.

The aim of the thesis is to identify those German citizens, who were fighting in the Yugoslav wars, determine their background, actions on the ground and post-war trajectories, as well as suggest probable motivations for joining the combat in the way they did. The thesis raises the question, how these German war volunteers can be best described and if they are somehow specific within their subgroup of predominantly Western anti-Yugoslav foreign fighters. I argue that Nir Arielli, one of the few scholars dealing with the role of Westerners in the conflict, falls short by qualifying them merely as "meaning seekers" and thus overlooks the multitude of political connections and references, first and foremost among the Germans. I will offer a critique by pointing out differences and nuances, especially in origin- based motives, ideological underpinning and perspectives on the conflict. In doing so, I will raise the question of what we do know about the political situation in both Germany and Croatia in the early 1990s, and how each of that might that have facilitated decisions to join combat abroad. In addition, I will classify their appearance both within the well-known theory of "new wars" as well as within the phenomenon of foreign war volunteering, arguing that there is not much reason why this group should...

Dans cette thèse, nous analysons le Festival yougoslave du film documentaire et du court-métrage, dans le but de questionner la manière dont celui-ci a participé au processus de création d'une identité (nationale) commune dans deux contextes distincts et successifs – celui de la Yougoslavie socialiste multinationale (1943) et celui de la Yougoslavie postsocialiste, État serbe mono-national (1992). Parce qu’il montre des images de véritables personnes, des vrais lieux et des vraies situations, le documentaire, au lieu d'être perçu comme la vision artistique de la réalité, peut être confondu par le public avec la réalité elle-même. Dans cette optique, l'objectif de ce travail est de questionner à travers l'analyse des programmes du festival, le type de « réalité » qui était présenté aux différents publics à une époque marquée par la succession de deux régimes autoritaires, mais opposés sur le plan idéologique. L’analyse débute par la création du festival en 1954 et se conclue par son internationalisation en 2004. Il s’agit pour le festival, d’un adieu officiel à son passé yougoslave, plus d’une décennie après sa sortie effective du cadre yougoslave. / This thesis analyses the programs of the Yugoslav Documentary and Short Film Festival in order to examine how the festival participated in the creation of common (national) identities of two of its host-states – firstly, the multi-national socialist Yugoslavia (created in 1943) and secondly, the post-socialist Yugoslavia as a mono-national Serbian state (created in 1992). Due to its particular form, completely relying on the images ‘from the reality’ (real people, places and situations), the general audiences might tend to understand documentary cinema as a truthful representation of reality, instead of critically analyzing it as an artistic vision of reality. Bearing in mind the previous assessment, the study examines what kind of ‘reality’ was presented to the festival audiences in two distinct political periods, corresponding to the establishment of two different states, both born in wars, and both defined by authoritarian, but mutually opposing political regimes. The analysis starts with the creation of the festival in 1954 and ends with its internationalisation in 2004.

The thesis provides a cultural analysis on the micropolitics of Yugoslavia wars in 1992-1995, examining local and global media coverage along with grassroots and historical dimensions. The study offers an extensive overview of scholarly literature on the Balkans, arguing that often omitted local, cultural and historical narratives of the war events reveal complex perspectives on the rationales provided on civil war. Investigating the nationalist social movements in Yugoslavia (1992-1995), the thesis articulates the need to revisit Deleuze and Guattari's framework of micropolitics to understand the cultural and historical dimensions operational in such movements. The study presents local media coverage in Nasa Borba, Borba, and Hrvatsko Slovo, focusing mainly on two major atrocities committed during the Balkan conflict, in order to shed light on the complex role of discourse emerging in war environments. / by Martin Y. Marinos. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2008. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2008. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

The development of joint criminal enterprise at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has been controversial since the doctrine was first created in 1997. For the judgments rendered by the ICTY to be perceived as legitimate, the doctrines used to bring charges against defendants must also be perceived as legitimate. The purpose of my thesis is to study the application of joint criminal enterprise at the ICTY and examine how the doctrine has influenced the length of sentences given. I find that joint criminal enterprise may be influencing longer sentences and the three categories of joint criminal enterprise are being used differently on defendants of different power levels. By empirically analyzing the patterns developing at the ICTY, I can see how joint criminal enterprise is influencing sentencing and the fairness of trials.

The thesis describes the process of enlargement of EU, with emphasis on circumstances, which influences the enlargement process, with current candidate countries (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Iceland, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey) and the new member state Croatia as example. The thesis is divided into three chapters; first chapter presents basic information about phases of the process. Second chapter deals with previous enlargements of European Community, or EU. Third chapter analyzes current candidate states, presents their political and economical characteristics and current stage of the process. A part of the third chapter predicts future development and possible date of the entry of each candidate state.